Margarita Kadriu of Kosova Sot, a Pristina daily, asked me a few questions last week, and I answered in an interview scheduled for publication today:
Q: Is the Kosovo’s government intervention in the south, in the custom checkpoints belated, having in mind that smuggling was a reality, not interfered from anybody?
DPS: I assume you mean the north. I don’t think the intervention was belated, but if the situation had gone on much longer it would have become a fait accompli. The Kosovo government acted to prevent that and to get the issue of north Kosovo back on the agenda. It has succeeded in that.
Q. KFOR has declared a military zone until the 15th September and the 2nd September negotiations will be held for the customs stamps. Does Pristina need to make a compromise again regarding this matter, recognition of the stamps?
DPS: I don’t know. I confess I find it hard to get excited about customs stamps and documentation. To me, the essential thing is that customs be collected for trade crossing the border.
Q: KFOR is in the checkpoints 1 and 31, but it is dealing in accordance with the Resolution 1244, which recognizes only an administrative and not a national border. Does this continue to represent a political problem?
DPS: Yes, it does, but that problem will continue until Belgrade accepts Kosovo as a sovereign and independent state. I don’t expect it to do that bilaterally—it will happen with Kosovo’s admission to the United Nations, which Serbia is still blocking.
Q: Working of Albanian policemen and custom officials in the north is not sustainable, because of lack of security. What do you think, how will official Pristina continue with the institutional control in the northern part of Kosovo?
DPS: This is part of what has to be worked out in the Belgrade/Pristina dialogue: how to ensure that Kosovo police and customs—they don’t necessarily have to be Albanians—can enforce the law effectively and safely.
Q: The international community once again made it clear that it will not allow border changes, but the north needs a solution, in order to calm the situation. There are voices that speak about a special status. Can Kosovars accept such a deal?
DPS: The Ahtisaari plan provides a special status. I still have not heard authoritatively from Belgrade or the Serbs in north Kosovo what they would want in addition. They are still focused on partitioning Kosovo, which isn’t going to happen.
Q: In the north there are still blockages of the roads, the parallel organs are effective, Serbia is present in every segment of life, in the judiciary system, in education, health, etc. How do you see the “Kosovarisation” of this part of Kosovo’s territory?
DPS: It has to be agreed with Belgrade that reintegration with the rest of Kosovo will occur, and a joint plan developed to make it happen.
Q: The actual situation has been exploited by organized crime and the smugglers. Tens of millions of euros are lost every year from the lack of law in the north, and the criminal activity showed also in the case of the killing of an Albanian policeman and in the burning of checkpoint 1. Can Kosovo’s authorities fight crime in the north without the help from EULEX and KFOR?
DPS: Not yet. EULEX in particular is still required. But that is a temporary solution. Eventually Kosovo institutions have to be established in the north, with the wide margin self-governance provided by the Ahtisaari plan.
Q: EULEX is being criticized for its passive role. Does this mean that this EU mission is failing?
DPS: EULEX has been slower and less definitive than many of us would like. But it is not failing. It is being careful and deliberate. I expect it to act against organized crime throughout Kosovo, sooner rather than later.
Q: The popularity of Prime Minister Thaci grew after the action in the north. But, his party is going through some internal conflicts. Some of the deputies are facing justice, accused of war crimes or corruption. Does Kosovo face another unstable phase?
DPS: No one is above the law. I see no reason for instability just because the law is being enforced. You should check how many members of the U.S. Congress have been investigated and have resigned in the past year.
Q: Next year we are supposed to hold presidential elections and Thaci can run for president. Do you think that he makes most suitable candidate, or do you see some other unifying figure?
DPS: Choosing the next president is entirely up to the citizens of Kosovo.
Q: Kosovo actually has a consensual president, but she is more a political puppet, than an active participant in the political scene of the country. Does this represent some barrier in the important processes toward EU?
DPS: I don’t agree with that at all. I think your current president is playing precisely the right role: she is a symbol and spokesperson for the unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of the country and the aspirations of all its citizens. She is an advantage for Kosovo’s EU aspirations, not a hindrance.
Q: The only main strong oppositional party is “Vetevendosje”, which has more precise concepts regarding some political and economical issues. How do you see the future of Mr Albin Kurti’s party?
DPS: It will be whatever the voters of Kosovo decide. I disagree with Albin on issues like union with Albania, and I imagine it will be difficult for him to convince most of the population of Kosovo to give up the independence they have so recently achieved in order to be unified with a country that already has its own enormous challenges. But he is entitled to try.
Q: Kosovo waits to see the progress report in October, but expectations are not overly optimistic. Corruption is still there, the wealth that originates from criminal activities has not been confiscated, justice remains far away from the Western standards. Does this means that the road of Kosovo toward EU is going to be longer than supposed?
DPS: I don’t know how long it is supposed to be, but the road is unquestionably a long and difficult one that will require far higher standards for the justice system and many other governing structures than exist today. There are no shortcuts on the main issues. Kosovo citizens are entitled to institutions that meet European standards.
Q: All the countries in the region profit from visa liberalization. Is the European policy of leaving only Kosovo isolated, out of this process, wrong?
DPS: Yes, it is wrong and I hope to see it change. Kosovo should get a visa roadmap that leads sooner rather than later to visa liberalization, provided its institutions meet the requirements. Anything else will discourage pro-European sentiment in Kosovo and encourage pan-Albanianism, which I would prefer not to see.
Q: After all these events, in the fourth year of Kosovo’s statehood, can we say finally that Kosovo is a stable and sustainable country, or must we think twice before saying so?
DPS: I think twice most days before saying the United States is stable and sustainable. We’ve got big problems. Kosovo does too, though on a much smaller scale. Pristina needs to be clear-headed and persistent to reintegrate the north, but it is doable if there is strong political will.
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