Serbia needs to accept Kosovo’s borders
A recent interview I gave to Marko Matic of e-Novine has attracted a good deal of attention in the Balkans. This was a followup to my prior comments on a proposal for Serbia to accept Kosovo’s independence but not recognize its sovereignty. As I’ve seen inaccurate reproductions of what I said, and the headline in the e-Novine piece may have misled some, for the record I am reproducing below the text , as transmitted to Marko:
MM: Although you have expressed doubt that Belgrade’s readiness to accept Kosovo’s independence, but not sovereignty, could give satisfactory results in the normalization of relations, what do you think about idea that this formula, perhaps as a temporary solution, could trepresented a significant step forward of official Belgrade towards the gradual full acceptance of Kosovo statehood?
DPS: Any step Belgrade takes towards acknowledging Kosovo statehood is a step in the right direction. That the Albanians of Kosovo are independent and will not in the future be governed from Belgrade is something everyone understands. Acknowledging that publicly would be a useful step, even if it is not adequate for resolving issues like the north of Kosovo.
MM: Could contractual acceptance of the principle peaceful coexistence of different views on the status of Kosovo, allow normalization of wide areas of relations between Kosovo and Serbia, with no formal mutual recognition?
DPS: I don’t think peaceful coexistence can be established on a firm basis if Serbia harbors territorial ambitions in Kosovo. Belgrade needs to accept that Kosovo is a single political entity within well-recognized borders. Normalization can only happen if this territorial aspect–an essential part of sovereignty–is recognized.
MM: As one of the good ideas of the plan, in your commentary you’ve mentioned the proposal on the implementation mechanism of the parallel status in regulating of minorities issues. What would be the advantages of this model compared to previous proposals for the Kosovo division and the distinction between Serbs and Albanians, and whether it could resolve the tensions that exist over the issue of the position of minorities?
DPS: I think it is important to understand that whatever Serbs get in a political solution within Kosovo will set a precedent for what Albanians want inside Serbia. Otherwise, Belgrade insists on maximum proposals without any restraint. You could argue of course that Serbs in north Kosovo want what Albanians got: an independent state. But no one is going to recognize a north Kosovo independent state, and absorption of north Kosovo into Serbia proper will end Belgrade’s hopes for EU membership.
MM: You are welcomed and the proposal for opening offices for cooperation. Why are they important, which would be their role, and if their work could contribute to the improvement and normalization of relations between Belgrade and Pristina in the future?
DPS: I would never want to negotiate with a partner in whose capital I am not represented, because I need to understand the internal political dynamics there and because I need to be able to voice my own views directly. Moreover, there are legitimate services that such offices can provide: providing information, services and documents to dual citizens and helping to implement agreements reached.
MM: In recent months, there is an announcement about the raising of the existing dialogue on the political level. What could be the topics of the new format of dialogue if it is clear that there are diametrically opposing views on the status of Kosovo that Belgrade and Pristina represent?
DPS: The main topic for political dialogue is how Belgrade intends to bring northern Kosovo into compliance with UN Security Council resolution 1244, which the official presence of the government of Serbia there violates every day. Beyond that, I envision a discussion of how the Ahtisaari plan will be implemented in the north, including any additional agreements needed for implementation. Once that is concluded, it is hard for me to picture obstacles to Serbian acceptance of Kosovo as a member of the United Nations, though formal diplomatic recognition may take more time.
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The position of the Serbs in Kosovo and the Albanians in the Presevo Valley is not comparable. The Albanians do not face many occupied houses and lands. They are not under pressure – sometimes accentuated with threats and sabotage – to sell what they have and to leave. They do not risk their lives when they go back to the villages where they once lived.