Stevenson’s army, August 12

My SAIS colleague Charlie Stevenson distributes an almost daily news digest of foreign/defense/national security policy to “Stevenson’s army” via Googlegroups. I plan to republish here. If you want to get it directly, follow the instructions below:

I wanted to share some points from a book on Franklin Roosevelt’s presidency that I read recently.Franklin D. Roosevelt was exceptional in many ways, but a new book by a Stony Brook professor demonstrates his amazing popularity. Helmut Norpoth’s Unsurpassed: The Popular Appeal of Franklin Roosevelt (Oxford U. Press, 2018) draws upon little-studied opinion surveys from 1937-45 and beyond to make these points:

  • FDR’s approval rating his 70% in January, 1941 and stayed there or higher for the rest of his presidency. [One slight dip to 67% in November 1943.]
  • His push for large defense budgets after 1938 not only slashed unemployment rates but also boosted his own approval ratings. [Throughout the book, Norpoth argues that FDR’s foreign policies helped increase his political support.]
  • The turning point, when American opinion shifted from avoiding war to supporting Britain even at the risk of war, came in the summer of 1940 after the fall of France. [At the same time, opinion jumped from opposing a third term to supporting the idea.]
  • Unlike postwar presidents, FDR saw no loss of support as the casualties and costs of the war mounted.
  • The point when public opinion first concluded that America would win the war — jumping from 45% to 80% — came just after the landings in North Africa in November, 1942. The numbers stayed that high or higher for the rest of the war. [This outcome underscores why FDR pushed so hard, but unsuccessfully, for the operation to begin before the 1942 congressional elections, when Democrats suffered substantial losses.]
  • Being commander-in-chief probably tipped the balance for FDR in both 1940 and 1944. Surveys at the time showed the GOP candidates winning if there were no war.
  • Soldiers voted for FDR in 1944 in large numbers [estimated at least 62%] and stayed Democrats long afterward. [Lincoln got 77% of Union soldiers’ votes in 1864.]

My own research convinced me that FDR followed the polls closely and pushed things to the limits, especially in 1940-41, when he felt public opinion would be supportive. Norpoth also links his fireside chats as important devices to boost and sustain public approval of his policies. The evidence in the book lives up to its title.

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One thought on “Stevenson’s army, August 12”

  1. Stevenson’s glowing review of support for FDR clearly overlooks the undercurrent of anti-Semitism then extant in FDR’s administration.

    While it may not have been as evident as time has since revealed, from Cordell Hull (FDR’s anti-Semitic Sec’y of State); to the rejection of the S/S St Louis with its boatload of Holocaust survivors (most of whom then perished in concentration camps); to FDR’s knowledge as early as 1933 that Jews were being sent to camps and mass murdered (mostly by machine gunning at the time) — the FDR record in total becomes less than stellar.

    Add to this the Japanese-Americans being herded into camps — well, what else need one say . . .

    Agreed that FDR initially faced an isolationist nation resulting from the horrors of WWI; he then did an excellent job of corralling public opinion to combat what his administration feared most: an attack by Nazi Germany, and not necessarily Japan first. However, Japan then became a useful tool for reversing isolationism, and later the inducing it to attack Pearl Harbor: Roosevelt and his minions knew full well this would invoke a declaration of war from Germany (came within a day or two of Pearl Harbor).

    It’s a longer story, but the attack on Pearl Harbor was thus no surprise at all: we followed their ships straight across the Pacific.

    Anyone might have done what Roosevelt and his crew felt was needed to enter WWII. There’s justification for that. Why they knowingly allowed mass incarceration and mass murder — the former a paranoid and racist reaction; the latter supposedly an attempt to protect intelligent methods, mostly British at the time — is still baffling today.

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