Month: August 2020

Two issues portend

Yesterday, I welcomed the UAE/Israel normalization of relations. I have no regrets about that.

But, as in all announcements of agreements still to be formally drafted and signed, there are question marks:

  • Where will the UAE Embassy be located?
  • Will Israel’s territory be defined, either explicitly or implicitly, in the formal agreements?

Israel says Jerusalem is its capital, and the Trump Administration moved the US Embassy there from Tel Aviv. If the UAE follows suit, that would be bigger news than the normalization of relations. I doubt Abu Dhabi will do that, but Israel will likely insist. How will that circle be squared?

The official statement says Israel is suspending its annexation plans, not ending them. This implies that it can in the future again threaten annexation and even do it, or back off again in exchange for another Arab country normalizing relations.

I would expect the UAE to try to avoid that by incorporating somewhere in the many agreements to be signed implicit or explicit reference to Israel’s 1967 borders, which have been the widely accepted basis for negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. That way the UAE could claim that it has not departed in principle from support for the Palestinians and the Arab Peace Initiative, which foresaw normalizing relations with Israel once the territorial issue with Palestine was resolved.

These are two of the final status issues that have to be solved before the Israel/Palestine conflict can be considered settled: the status of Jerusalem and the extent of Israel’s sovereign territory. They are among the issues that have stymied peace efforts in the past. It will be difficult to avoid them entirely in establishing normal relations between the UAE and Israel. How they are resolved could have a big impact on prospects for peace in the future.

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Votes count

Belarusan President Lukashenko is facing the consequences of his effort to fake re-election with a claimed 80% of the vote. The country’s citizens know this result is fraudulent and are unwilling to accept it. His competitor, who more than likely won, has fled to Lithuania with her two children. Her husband remains in prison in Belarus, hostage to Lukashenko. Belarusans have no alternative but to take to the streets, where the security forces are beating and detaining them for further brutal mistreatment while in custody.

President Putin has backed Lukashenko, even though the Belarusan president has at times been less than a loyal ally to Moscow. A weakened and dependent Lukashenko is precisely what Moscow needs to impose its will. The EU and US have issued muffled protests of the treatment of protesters. Brussels has also called the elections “unfree and unfair,” but neither has unequivocally denounced the election outcome. The EU is hampered by its need for consensus among 27 member states, some of whose leaders have sympathy with Lukashenko. The US presumably doesn’t want to offend Russian President Putin.

President Trump is preparing for his own election fraud. He won’t be able to pull off the kind of ballot-box stuffing and fake tabulations that Lukashenko indulged in. American national elections are run by the states and local authorities. It wouldn’t do much good for Trump’s allies to fake election results in many “red” states because all that really matters is who wins: that state’s electoral votes (with few exceptions) go entirely to the winning candidate, who won’t be in doubt in truly red states. He wouldn’t be able to pull off fake results in “blue” states. And many “battleground” states are run by Democrats.

So what Trump is trying to do is to suppress voting, knowing that his supporters are on the whole more enthusiastic than his rival’s voters, many of whom are more anti-Trump than they are pro-Biden. Trump has said he opposes special funding for the US Postal Service (USPS) in order to make it harder for mail-in votes to arrive on time. His recently appointed head of USPS is trying to slow mail delivery, including by removing sorting machines from many post offices.

I doubt this effort to suppress voting will succeed. Americans like their post office and postal workers are part of the communities they deliver ballots to and from. I expect the workers, whether they favor Democrats or Republicans, to make every effort to deliver the ballots on time.

But that will not entirely defeat Donald Trump’s purposes. He knows full well that many, perhaps most, Americans will prefer to vote by mail during a pandemic. He knows the postal workers will do their best to deliver the ballots. What he is trying to do is not only slow the mail but lay the basis for rejecting the election results. Mail-in ballots, he claims, are subject to fraud. They require far more time and effort to count, so there will be a delay in announcing results. He will use that delay as well as his campaign to cast doubt on their validity, claiming that results are being falsified.

I don’t expect this gambit to work better for Trump than Lukashenko’s worked in Belarus. But it could lead to big street protests in the days during which the election outcome is uncertain. Trump has made clear in Portland in recent months what he intends to do about those: he will unleash poorly trained Federal agents to provoke violence, which will give him the excuse to deploy more. We’ll see counter-protests as well, with further violence the inevitable consequence.

So it is vital that Americans who want to see the end of Trump do everything they can to vote early if by mail and in person if not, even despite the virus in battleground states.

Trump of course has other tricks to foil Joe Biden and Kamala Harris. He is suggesting she is not eligible to be Vice President or President because her parents were not citizens, even though she was born in Oakland, California. This is discredited and racist drivel, but so too is Trump’s claim that mail-in ballots are subject to fraud. In the end, what counts are votes.

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Stevenson’s army, August 14

French navy goes to help Greece against Turkey.
Chinese navy near Taiwan.
US seizes ships with Iranian oil.
David Ignatius praises UAE-Israel agreement.
Slate has more background.
I recently read Robert Draper’s excellent book on the start of the Iraq war. Here’s the NYT review.

My SAIS colleague Charlie Stevenson distributes this almost daily news digest of foreign/defense/national security policy to “Stevenson’s army” via Googlegroups. I plan to republish here. To get Stevenson’s army by email, send a blank email (no subject or text in the body) to stevensons-army+subscribe@googlegroups.com. You’ll get an email confirming your join request. Click “Join This Group” and follow the instructions to join. Once you have joined, you can adjust your email delivery preferences (if you want every email or a digest of the emails).

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Good but…

The deal between Israel and the United Arab Emirates on its face does good things. It prevents Israeli annexation of a big piece of the West Bank and will establish normal diplomatic relations and other ties between the two countries. Hard to object to any of that.

But in diplomacy the devil is in the details, especially the details of implementation. There are a lot of still unanswered questions. Is the bar on annexation permanent, or are the Israelis going to be able to threaten it over and over again in order to gain recognition by Oman, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and maybe Qatar?* Or will those countries raise the ante and get further concessions for Palestinian interests in return for normalization?

On implementation, skepticism is in order. Egypt and Jordan have normal diplomatic relations with Israel, but their peace is not a uniformly warm one. Security cooperation is embraced, but economic and commercial relations are far from maximized. Even travel among the three countries presents serious bureaucratic barriers, not to mention the cultural inhibitions against Arabs going to Israel (and Israel’s Jews going to Arab countries).

There are three strong factors favoring UAE/Israel rapprochement.

First is Israeli security assistance. The UAE is concerned about homegrown Islamists, especially those affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood. You only need sit for an hour in a business class lounge in Riyadh or Dubai to meet Israeli males with square jaws and muscular physiques, along with a group of nerds. When I asked one in Riyadh why there were so many Israelis in the lounge, he replied with an icy smile, “If I told you I would have to kill you.” My impression is that Israel has bought a lot of good will in the Gulf by helping its autocratic regimes to ensure that nothing like the Arab Spring can succeed there.

Second is a lack of bad blood at the personal level. While the UAE has recognized and support Palestine, there is no decades-long history of war with Israel and subsequent occupation, as there was with Jordan and Egypt. Nor is there a history of Jews being expelled from the Emirates, so far as I can tell. There has been a synagogue in Dubai for decades that is now officially recognized. Ordinary Emiratis may not like the deal, but mass dissent inside the UAE is unlikely, as both its citizens and non-citizens are under tight control. Your traffic ticket arrives by text message within minutes of a violation. Any negative reaction in the “Arab street” will not be in Dubai or Abu Dhabi.

Third is the common enemy: Iran. The Israelis will no doubt want and get intelligence and military cooperation with the UAE, which is conveniently located just on the other side of the Gulf and Strait of Hormuz. Israel will presumably be glad to provide missile defense and other high tech weaponry. The UAE was never going to be able to stand aside if war happens between Iran and Israel, so it makes sense for Abu Dhabi to get what it can to defend itself, especially after the Iranian attacks on its tankers in 2019.

The Palestinians are objecting vigorously to the UAE/Israel deal, because it rewards Israel for not doing something it should never have threatened to do and gains nothing substantial for Palestine. But the Arab world has mostly been ignoring the Palestinians lately. Certainly the Trump Administration will be uninterested in their complaints. The Palestinians will need to hope that the next Arab country to recognize Israel drives a harder bargain.

*PS: I failed to notice yesterday when drafting this that the Israelis have only suspended their annexation, which means they will try to sell that concession again to the next Arab country wanting to establish normal relations.

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Stevenson’s army, August 13

– Axios has a great piece listing voting rules and deadlines for all states.
– Defense News reports how key members of Congress have blocked arms sales to Turkey through their informal powers.
– Both Kori Schake and Fred Kaplan  criticize the Nagl-Yingling letter urging CJCS Milley to prevent Trump from challenging an electoral defeat. I agree with the criticism.
– To try to get UNSC approval of Iran sanctions, US has cut its draft resolution from 35 paragraphs to four.
– SAIS honor grad Akshai Vikram is key author of report on US-Russia nuclear arms race.
– HuffPost says Trump has basically stopped taking intelligence reports.
– Politico has unredacted copy of State IG report on Pompeo and arms sales. Note: it’s “Sensitive But Unclassified”.
– WSJ says Xi is shifting Chinese economy inward.

My SAIS colleague Charlie Stevenson distributes this almost daily news digest of foreign/defense/national security policy to “Stevenson’s army” via Googlegroups. I plan to republish here. To get Stevenson’s army by email, send a blank email (no subject or text in the body) to stevensons-army+subscribe@googlegroups.com. You’ll get an email confirming your join request. Click “Join This Group” and follow the instructions to join. Once you have joined, you can adjust your email delivery preferences (if you want every email or a digest of the emails).

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Just going to leave this here:

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