Month: June 2024

Mealy-mouthed won’t work, riot act will

Yesterday Nevena Bogdanović of RFE/RL asked for my comments on the “Declaration On The Protection Of National And Political Rights And The Common Future Of The Serbian People.” I find the full text in English at https://twitter.com/NationalIndNews/status/1799467259133317379). Her deadline was too tight for my schedule. So I am recording here my reactions not only to the Declaration but also to the contrasting responses of the American embassies in Sarajevo and Belgrade.

The Declaration is what it says it is

The Declaration is the product of an effort to institutionalize pan-Serb institutions in an Assembly (to meet every two years) and a National Council of the Serbian People. The Assembly includes representatives of the widespread Serb diaspora. But the Council is constituted of officials from the Republic of Serbia (Belgrade) and the Bosnian entity Republika Srpska (headquartered in Banja Luka). The purpose of their cooperation is spelled out:

The Pan-Serbian Assembly recommends that the institutions of the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Srpska act unitedly and in coordination and make efforts to stop the assimilation of Serbs in the countries of the region, as well as around the world.

https://twitter.com/NationalIndNews/status/1799467259133317379

The Assembly also recognizes the Serbian Orthodox Church as a pillar of “national, cultural, and spiritual identity.” It supports Serbia in efforts to preserve its sovereignty and territorial integrity, declaring Kosovo and Metohija “inalienable.”

The Assembly also wants reversion in Bosnia to the Dayton peace agreements as signed. That means without the many decisions the High Representative, the Sarajevo parliament, and the entity assemblies have made since 1995. The Declaration explicitly challenges the appointment of the current High Representative.

Greater Serbia by another name

I could go on, but essentially this document is a manifesto for the Serbian World, or Greater Serbia. The references to the broader Serb diaspora are a thin veil. Most Serbs who live in Australia are already “assimilated.” They vote in elections there, serve in its armed forces and other Australian institutions, and describe themselves as Australian, even while preserving their identity as Serbs.

The real purpose of this declaration is to prevent Serbs in the neighboring countries (Bosnia, Montenegro, and Kosovo) from professing and acting on loyalty to the countries in which they live. That is a prerequisite for any future union, which is the ultimate Serb aim. The good news is that someone thinks the Serbs might be loyal to the countries in which they live.

The embassy statements, one right and one wrong

US Embassy Sarajevo got it right:

…the conclusions adopted at the All-Serb Assembly as they relate to the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) and the independent state of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) are rooted in legal disinformation and riddled with errors. They do not constitute a defense of the Dayton Peace Agreement, as the authors claim, but are a deliberate attack on that agreement and the state institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is dangerous.

https://x.com/USEmbassySJJ/status/1800222971526623266

US Embassy Belgrade got it wrong. I am told this is what the Ambassador said in response to a question about the Declaration:

The focus of everyone who cares about Serbia and its future should remain on creating a peaceful and prosperous future for the entire Western Balkans, increasing regional cooperation with EU integration as the final goal. Serbia has a constructive role to play in that process and we welcome the many examples of its leaders pledging to do so.

While this is true, you wouldn’t know that Serbia is already “rapidly veering off course” for EU accession.

I haven’t found a comment from US Embassy Pristina. It correctly retweeted Sarajevo’s denunciation.

Squeeze Republika Srpska

Which is the real American position? At present, both are. Washington is trying to appease Vucic and burn Milorad Dodik, the secessionist President of Republika Srpska. This effort to distinguish between them has not worked. Nor will it, since their objective is the same: Greater Serbia, de facto if not de jure.

Embassy Sarajevo has consistently said the right things about Dodik, whom the US has sanctioned. But it has not really done anything more about him. Washington should be squeezing Republika Srpska’s finances as tight as it can. And getting the EU and UK to do likewise. My compliments if they are doing that quietly.

Read Belgrade the riot act

The Americans are appeasing Serbia these days because they want Belgrade to continue exporting ammunition to Ukraine. But Serbia is also exporting electronic components to Russia that are needed to manufacture weapons. Belgrade deserves little credit for doing what it should want to do, especially if it continues doing what it knows it should not do.

Some Americans also believe mollifying Vucic will work better than criticizing him. I know of no basis for this belief. It is inconsistent with his own past behavior as well as that of his mentor, Slobodan Milosevic. I had hoped when he first came to power that Vucic would become a real democrat. But he dashed those hopes long ago.

The Americans should read Vucic the riot act, that is warn him loudly and publicly. Washington should oppose European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) funding for Serbia unless he decides to end irredentist claims to Bosnia, Montenegro, and Kosovo. The Americans should also lobby hard against European Investment Bank (EIB) and EU Growth Plan funding unless that condition is fulfilled.

Save some money and dignity

The Balkans are far down on America’s list of priorities these days. Saving some tens of millions there should be welcome. Cutting funding to those who oppose American and European objectives in the region should be easy. Benefits of Western institutions should go to those who merit them. It is embarrassing that they are going to people who don’t.

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What’s missing from the Gaza peace plan

The Israeli proposal for “General Principles for an agreement between the Israeli side and the Palestinian side in Gaza on the exchange of hostages and prisoners and restoring a sustainable calm” in Gaza seems stalled, despite President Biden’s concerted efforts. What are its prospects?

Security, security, security

In real estate, it’s all about location, location, location. In post-war stabilization and reconstruction, it’s all about security, security, security.

The first security concern is that of the belligerents. They won’t agree to an end to the fighting if they think their own security will be at greater risk. This is especially true in the current case, as Israel has vowed to eliminate Hamas and Hamas’ strategic goal is the elimination of Israel. If Israel is responsible for security in Gaza after the ceasefire, Hamas has good reason to fear the Israel Defense Force will continue to target it, especially its leaders.

The second security concern focuses on civilians. The international community should not be interested in a ceasefire that fails to improve conditions for non-Hamas affiliated Gazans. They need not only to be housed and fed but also protected from gangs and chaos. That requires some sort of police force and rudimentary justice system. Without them, civilians have no recourse when a guy with a gun steals their food, water, shelter, and property.

The third security concern is the region. If war ends in Gaza only to start up between Lebanese Hizbollah and Israel, the Middle East will have gained little. The broader war the region has long feared is already brewing. Iran’s allies and proxies in Lebanon, Yemen, and Syria have all been attacking Israel. The missile and drone tit for tat between Iran and Israel in April suggested what a broader war might entail.

The gaping hole in the draft agreement

The peace plan lacks provisions for the first two categories of security. It details the time lines for hostage/prisoner exchanges, withdrawal of Israeli forces, humanitarian relief, return of Gazans to the north, and other requirements. But it refers only vaguely to Egypt, Qatar, and the US as “guarantors” of the agreement. That means little if it doesn’t include provision of security, or at least a leadership role in doing so.

But it is hard to see what those three countries can realistically do about security. Whoever does that will need to speak Arabic. The US has individuals but no military or police units who speak Arabic. Qatar’s army has fewer than 12,000 soldiers. It is hard to picture Doha providing more than 10% to a peacekeeping presence in Gaza. It is much more likely to write the necessary checks. Egypt has many more soldiers, but Cairo does not want to deploy troops in Gaza, for fear of ending up in charge there, as it was until 1967.

Using Jim Dobbins’ numbers for a heavy peace enforcement operation, Gaza would require something like 32,000 troops and 4000 police, in addition to 7500 local troops and 5500 local police. As the available local forces in Gaza would be mostly Hamas-affiliated, which Israel will not allow, the international presence will have to be beefed up accordingly.

I just don’t see how to fill that gaping hole. Are the Saudis, Emiratis, and Kuwaitis going to deploy large parts of their armies to Gaza?

The other security requirement

The third security requirement is the regional one. This need not be in the plan, but it has to be real. The US has worked hard to prevent the wider regional war, but Israel and some of Iran’s friends seem increasingly eager for one. Israel wants to move Hizbollah back from its border so that tens of thousands of civilians can return to their homes in the north. The Houthis want to demonstrate their importance in the region and gain additional aid from Iran.

The Iranians will elect a new president June 28. The Supreme Leader will retain control of foreign and security policy. But that election will likely provide some indication of the direction Tehran wants to take in the future. If the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has its way, which seems likely, the regional situation could deteriorate quickly.

Prove me wrong

I’ll be glad to be wrong. I hope this peace plan succeeds. But I wouldn’t bet on it.

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