Category: Daniel Serwer

Stevenson’s army, March 5

– A distinguished historian of Russia says the US made a key mistake last November in signing  a“strategic partnership” with Ukraine. I hadn’t noticed it myself.

– Politico reports on the supply lines of western equipment into Ukraine.

– WaPo notes what US & NATO are not saying.

– FP reports a new NSC hire.

– In a new annual report, China says it wants to “resolve” the Taiwan issue.

My SAIS colleague Charlie Stevenson distributes this almost daily news digest of foreign/defense/national security policy to “Stevenson’s army” via Googlegroups. I republish here. To get Stevenson’s army by email, send a blank email (no subject or text in the body) to stevensons-army+subscribe@googlegroups.com. You’ll get an email confirming your join request. Click “Join This Group” and follow the instructions to join. Once you have joined, you can adjust your email delivery preferences (if you want every email or a digest of the emails).

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No fly won’t fly, despite what you may think

Why can’t NATO do more to help Ukraine? Why not institute a no-fly zone that prevents Russian aircraft from attacking Ukrainians forces and population centers?

Yes it would make a difference

Preventing Russian air attacks and close air support would certainly make a difference. The Russians have not established absolute supremacy in the air, but they are stronger there than the Ukrainians. Moscow still has lots of air power in reserve. Preventing it from coming into the fight could be necessary to preserve the viability of Ukraine’s forces.

But enforcing it would entail unacceptable risks

Enforcement of a no-fly zone requires willingness to force down or shoot down violators. Or to destroy violating aircraft while they are on the ground. That’s where things get dicey. NATO would need to be ready to attack Russian aircraft. Bluffing won’t work. Putin would quickly test whether the Alliance is prepared to put its pilots where its declarations are. He would not worry about getting a few Russian pilots killed.

No doubt NATO could put up rather than shut up, but that would initiate hostilities with Russia. Putin could retaliate against the Alliance in any number of countries: Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, or the Baltics. That would trigger Article 5, NATO’s mutual defense commitment, puttng the Alliance at war with Russia. It is easy to imagine further escalation and even eventually a nuclear attack. President Biden is wise not to want to risk that.

It could happen anyway

An escalation of that sort could happen even without a no-fly zone. I hear tell that NATO AWACS flying in Polish airspace is jamming Russian signals. Putin could take that, too, as reason enough to attack Poland. Arms shipments to Ukraine from NATO countries could be another trigger for widening the war. Supply of effective air defenses might be particularly provocative from the Russian perspective.

That argues for ending this war quickly

The risks of escalation will be there so long as the fighting continues. Ending this war quickly is the best way of eliminating those risks. The Russians so far seem unable to defeat Ukraine, but the Ukrainians aren’t able to defeat Russia either. Negotiation is the way to go, but there is no overlap between what Russia wants and what Ukraine is prepared to give, or between what Ukraine wants and Russia is prepared to give. A no fly zone would have virtues, but it won’t fly. The fighting is likely to continue until one side or the other can claim at least pyrrhic victory.

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Timing matters, but no one has a good clock

Updated March 2

While Russian forces in Ukraine continue to advance, the invasion is moving slower than Moscow wanted. Internatioinal sanctions are just beginning to bite. The question now is how long it will take for Russians to realize that they need to get rid of President Putin.

Ukrainian resistance is strong, but the Russian forces are overwhelming

The Ukrainians are fighting hard. Their mobile and agile territorial defense is doing a lot of damage to the heavily armed but slow-moving and much less agile Russian forces. Moscow has admitted to losing 500 soldiers. Likely the number is far greater. Russian media are still portraying the war a “special military activity” at the invitation of the secessionist “republics” of Luhansk and Donestk rather than as an full-scale, unprovoked invasion. Most Russians will understand that it is risky to say anything else.

Even heroic resistance cannot immediately overcome overwhelming force. The Russian army is now shelling population centers, targeting civilian institutions, and seizing nuclear power plants. Yesterday’s firefight and fire at the largest concentration of nuclear plants in Europe suggests how little the Russian army cares about imperiling millions of people.

International sanctions are also strong, but their full impact will not be immediate

The US and EU have imposed unprecedented sanctions intended to cripple Russia’s economy. Some consequences are immediate: interest rates have spiked in Russia, the ruble has tanked, and the stock market is closed to avoid catastrophic losses. Russians are unable to withdraw money from banks while prices have skyrocketed. Foreign investors are fleeing. Foreign airlines are shut down. Many local airlines flying Boeings and Airbuses will be unable to get spare parts, making travel even within Russia (which spans 11 time zones) problematic.

While some of the effects of sanctions are apparent right away, many others will take time to manifest. Within a year or so, Russians will lose a big slice of their real incomes. The Russian government, which depends heavily on oil and natural gas revenues, will be straitened. Even in the current tight oil market, buyers are refusing to purchase Russian products, which are selling at a 20% discount. Russian foreign currency reserves were massive before the invasion, but about half are now frozen. It will take time to exhaust the rest.

Ukraine’s fate depends on how quickly people in Russia react

The key variable is how quickly Russians react. The oligarchs are already feeling the pinch, but Putin has them on a short leash. The usual elite Russian coup is unlikely. Demonstrations in Russia have so far attracted thousands and perhaps tens of thousands, most of whom are the usual suspects. Academic scholarship suggests that mobilizing on a sustained basis about 3.5% of the population will bring results (but there are exceptions in both directions):

That would mean about 5 million people, or at least ten times the number mobilized so far. Some would not be the usual suspects, who don’t number that many.

Putin will do what he can to prevent that from happening. Popular protest is his worst nightmare. The war in Ukraine not only portends a long insurgency and ferocious occupation but also an end to anything resembling free speech and association inside Russia. Its “democracy,” imperfect as it was, will become a full-fledged draconian autocracy.

Timing matters

The damage Putin will do depends then on timing. If something like those 5 million Russians get to the streets soon, we could see an abrupt reversal of Ukraine’s fate. But if they don’t, Ukraine will become Putin’s laboratory for how to subjugate a population of more than 40 million, most of whom want to live in Europe rather than a newly constructed Russian empire. There is no telling when or if the protests in Russia will reach critical mass. Timing matters, but no one has a good clock.

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Stevenson’s army, March 4

Belarus stays out.

US & Russia establish military hotline.

-Russia has friends in Africa.

-WH wants$10 Billion in new Ukraine aid.

– NYT assesses Ukraine military so far.

– BBC tells who’s who in Putin’s inner circle.

– Lawfare lists pros and cons of foreign fighters.

My SAIS colleague Charlie Stevenson distributes this almost daily news digest of foreign/defense/national security policy to “Stevenson’s army” via Googlegroups. I republish here. To get Stevenson’s army by email, send a blank email (no subject or text in the body) to stevensons-army+subscribe@googlegroups.com. You’ll get an email confirming your join request. Click “Join This Group” and follow the instructions to join. Once you have joined, you can adjust your email delivery preferences (if you want every email or a digest of the emails).

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One more Trump first

I know we are all focused on the Russian invasion of Ukraine, but in the meanwhile the Congressional committee investigating January 6 is considering referring Donald Trump for prosecution:

This is good news, as it both nails the January 6 assault on the Capitol as criminal and also assigns accountability to the then President. That’s a first for the US Congress and a past President. Now let’s see what the Department of Justice will do with it.

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Stevenson’s army, March 3

New weaponry in Ukraine.

– NYT details Western help to Ukraine.

– WSJ notes pro-Russia sentiment in Middle East

– FP China Brief notes how China is censoring Ukraine news.

– Defense News assesses chances for Ukrainian resistance.

– Atlantic assesses Russian economic vulnerabilities.

Changing mood on Capitol Hill. Concerns over Sen. Rubio’s tweets of war info.

Policy process: All cables going from the State Dept go under the name of the SecState, though few have actually been seen by him. Axios has the story of a cable to 50 countries urging US diplomats to say India and UAE were “in Russia’s camp.” Oops. Cable recalled. The recall of the strongly worded cable indicates either a process error with a fabled and vital work product — or a policy dispute inside the U.S. government involving two key allies.

My SAIS colleague Charlie Stevenson distributes this almost daily news digest of foreign/defense/national security policy to “Stevenson’s army” via Googlegroups. I republish here. To get Stevenson’s army by email, send a blank email (no subject or text in the body) to stevensons-army+subscribe@googlegroups.com. You’ll get an email confirming your join request. Click “Join This Group” and follow the instructions to join. Once you have joined, you can adjust your email delivery preferences (if you want every email or a digest of the emails).

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