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Don’t blame Mueller

Yesterday’s appearance confirmed what we already knew about Special Counsel Mueller and his report: yes on President Trump’s obstruction of justice, no exoneration on either obstruction or conspiracy with the Russians, whose help the Trump campaign openly welcomed.

Some are disappointed. I’m not. No one should have expected this taciturn and self-controlled lawyer, a life-long Republican, to eviscerate the President.

But what he did is more than enough to begin an impeachment inquiry. Speaker Pelosi is holding back until she is certain of bipartisan support in the House and perceives an inkling that some Republican Senators might be amenable. That will only happen if public sentiment turns against Trump, which it manifestly has not yet. He is at the peak of his popularity, even if the peak is low. Pelosi is as savvy a political operator as exists on The Hill today. She is more interested in beating Trump in the 2020 election than in helping him turn out his base with an impeachment inquiry.

Mueller was interesting on the question of the President’s credibility. He hinted that lack of credibility was among the reasons he did not subpoena Trump–what light could a committed liar shed on the facts?–along with pressure to complete the investigation. We all know where that pressure was coming from. I might have preferred that Mueller force testimony from the President and catch him perjuring himself. That is what got President Clinton impeached. But to expect that of the super-cautious Mueller would be wrong. Unlike Ken Starr, he is not a perjury trap kind of guy. He stuck to his mandate.

The action now will shift in two directions: counterintelligence and financial investigations, the latter also in New York State. Mueller was unequivocal in calling out the Russians not only for interfering in 2016 but for continuing to do so up to the present, and intending to do so through 2020. His message was clear: you haven’t done enough to prevent it. Senator Majority Leader McConnell claims that a few hundred million dollars in grants to the states is a sufficient response. That amounts to less than $10 million per state. It’ll surely go far.

The President’s financial shenanigans are both obvious and obscure. Deutsche Bank, the only one prepared to loan Trump money after his bankruptcies, is under investigation for multiple malfeasances. It’s hard not to imagine that Trump’s real estate business was recycling Russian oligarchs’ ill-gotten gains, with the help of Deutsche Bank. We don’t yet have the outcome of a serious investigation, but there must be good reasons why Trump has gone into Federal court to block New York State from getting his tax returns.

Mueller did his job: he gathered incontrovertible evidence of Donald Trump’s unfitness for office. The problem is the country, which Trump has succeeded in dividing so profoundly that close to half of voters would let him shoot someone on Fifth Avenue, as he claimed in 2016:

America needs to set this right, either by impeachment and conviction or by electoral defeat. Neither course of action is Mueller’s responsibility.

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Calm in Pristina

I’ve been in Pristina all week, where yesterday Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj resigned. A Special Tribunal concerned with crimes committed after its 1998-99 war has summoned him to The Hague. It is not yet known whether he is an indictee or a witness. He has been tried twice before at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and found not guilty.

I talked with the Prime Minister Wednesday. He gave no hint of what was coming and likely didn’t know.

It’s a fraught time here. Tariffs Ramush levied on Serbian imports have stalled a European Union dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina that aimed to resolve the many issues remaining a generation after Slobodan Milosevic expelled half of Kosovo’s Albanian population but yielded after a 78-day NATO bombing campaign to UN administration of the Serbian-ruled province. Kosovo is now a parliamentary democracy–not yet recognized as sovereign by some–that requires elections within 45 days of resignation of the prime minister. The opposition, which had aimed for elections in October, is unlikely to be ready for them by the beginning of September.

Some will wonder whether the United States is behind the judicial maneuver that caused Ramush to resign. The Special Court is constituted under Kosovo law, but manned by mostly Europeans with an American chief prosecutor, one appointed by the Trump Administration. You don’t even have to be a practiced conspiracy theorist to imagine that the Americans, who were upset with Ramush’s tariffs and opposition to an ethnically based land swap deal with Belgrade, decided to get rid of him.

If so, they’ve made a big mistake. Ramush’s previous two court battles in The Hague did nothing but increase his popularity here. The tariffs and opposition to the land swap deal are popular here. Ramush’s summons to The Hague is far more likely to strengthen his political support than diminish it.

But it may well be that the court, acting on its own volition, thinks it has reason to question Ramush or even indict him. We just don’t know. Certainly Serbs and Albanians were murdered after the war; most people here think the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) of which Ramush was then a regional commander was in part responsible. I would favor holding the guilty accountable for those crimes. But it would be entirely premature to judge who.

So far, the popular reaction to Ramush’s resignation is calm. We attended the ongoing Pristina Film Festival last night, across from the Prime Minister’s office. A street basketball tournament occupied the space between the two. Families strolled happily in Mother Teresa Boulevard. Of course all that could change, but for the moment people seem more interested in enjoying the relatively cool, clear weather than worrying about what has happened to their prime minister.

Kosovo President Thaci, also a former KLA cadre, will need now to oversee the formation of some sort of caretaker government. That itself will be difficult as Ramush had a narrow margin in parliament. The election outcome is unpredictable. That’s the good news: despite political party abuses both in the campaigns and at the polling places, the press here is free by Balkan standards and elections are serious political contests. Coalition formation before and after leaves a lot uncertain about their outcome.

Elections are inherently divisive. Before it goes back to talks with Belgrade, Pristina will need more unity than it has had during Ramush’s tenure. My advice to whoever the powers will be: the only way to get a good deal is to be willing to walk away from a bad one. And the only way to make a good deal stick is to ensure that most of the citizens are convinced it is good.

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Your Saturday video

Nothing finer this week than Congressman Adam Schiff’s response to the Republican request that he resign:

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Your Saturday video

I’ve written many screeds against partition schemes, but none more effective than this from Yes Prime Minister:

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Differing agendas

Delvin Kovač of the online Vijesti.ba asked questions; I responded: 

  1. Kako biste ocijenili rezultate Općih izbora u Bosni i Hercegovini?

SERWER: Rezultati još uvijek nisu potvrđeni, ali nisu bili ni dobri. Imam osjećaj da oni predstavljaju volju većine Bosanaca, koji se ipak ne slažu oko mnogo čega. U FBiH je došlo do značajnog usitnjavanja političke scene, ali mi je i dalje nejasno šta će to značiti za formiranje vlasti, koje je u parlamentarnim sistemima često otežano i prolongirano.

2. U naredne četiri godine dužnost članova Predsjedništva BiH obnašat će Šefik Džaferović, Željko Komšić i Milorad Dodik. Vaš komentar?

SERWER: Kao i na prethodnim izborima u BiH, rezultati su bili dvosmisleni. U Predsjedništvo su se vratili ljudi sa vrlo različitim programima. Dodik i Komšić su na suprotnim krajevima nacionalnog političkog spektra. Džaferović se, pod pretpostavkom da će nastaviti Izetbegovićevom linijom, nalazi negdje između.

3. Kakva budućnost očekuje BiH s Dodikom u njenom Predsjedništvu? Smatrate li da će on blokirati put BiH ka evropskim i NATO integracijama?

SERWER: Dodik će učiniti sve što je u njegovoj moći da odvoji Republiku Srpsku, ali će to raditi djelomično pokušavajući i pripremiti RS za članstvo u EU. Stoga se nada da će pridobiti simpatije i podršku u Briselu za ideju o odvajanju RS-a od FBiH. Neće ništa učiniti u pogledu članstva BiH u NATO-u i pokušat će da to spriječi ukoliko nekim čudom dođe do takvog scenarija.

Šta bi po Vašem mišljenju mogao biti naredni potez Dodikovog koalicionog partnera Dragana Čovića, nakon što je poražen u trci za člana Predsjedništva BiH iz reda hrvatskog naroda?

SERWER: Pretpostavljam da će Čović pokušati koristiti poziciju HDZ-a da bude kočničar. Ustav BiH pruža mu mnoge mogućnosti u tom pogledu.

Here it is in English: 

1. How did you see the Bosnian 2018 elections results in general?

Results still aren’t confirmed, but they weren’t pretty. My sense so far is that they represent the will of most Bosnians, who don’t agree on a lot of things. There was considerable scatter to non-major parties in the Federation. It is not clear to me yet what this will mean for government formation, which is often difficult and prolonged in parliamentary systems.

2. In the next four years, we will have Željko Komšić, Šefik Džaferović and Milorad Dodik as it’s tripartite Presidency members? What is your comment?

Like previous elections in Bosnia, the results were ambiguous: for the presidency, they returned people with very different agendas. Dodik and Komsic are at opposite ends of the ethnic nationalism political spectrum. Dzaferovic, assuming he will continue Izetbegovic’s line, is somewhere in between.

3. How bright is Bosnian future with Milorad Dodik being member of it’s Presidency? Do you think he is going to try and block Bosnia and Herzegovina on it’s path towards European union and NATO integrations?

Dodik will do everything he can to establish RS’s separateness, but he will do that in part by trying to prepare the RS for EU membership. He thereby hopes to win sympathy and support in Brussels for the idea of separating from the Federation. He will do nothing for NATO membership and try to obstruct it if by some miracle it starts to happen.

4. Since Dodik’s coallition partner Dragan Čović lost the elections and is no more a Presidency member, what do you think will be the next Čović’s move?

I assume Covic will try to use the HDZ’s position as a spoiler. The Bosnian constitution may provide him with ample opportunities to do that.

A Syrian plea

I received today this “Statement to the Public Opinion from Syrian Political & Civil Forces”:

Supported by Russia, al-Assad Regime continues the mobilization of its forces around Idlib Governorate and its countryside, to complete the Russian plans of a military windup and fait accompli imposition.

We, being Syrian institutions, organizations and activists, condemning the statements of the Special Envoy for Syria, Staffan de Mistura, that plainly justify a military invasion by the Regime and its allies and call for the United Nations’ participation in the resulting forced displacement, we remind everyone that any military action on Idlib, under any designation or pretext, threatens the life and safety of more than 3 million civilians, who approximately half of them were forcibly displaced from other areas fleeing the military operations of al-Assad Regime and its allies.

Signatories of this Statement call on the International Community, in general, and the United Nations and Security Council members, in particular, to undertake their responsibilities in protecting the civilians and preventing war crimes against them.

Committing ourselves into finding solutions for the protection of civilians and guarantee of their safety, we propose that the international community:

– Provide the needed support to the local actors in Idlib in order to eliminate any extremist forces in the area, in parallel with preventing al-Assad’s forces, Iran and Russia from exploiting the situation to achieve any gains on the ground and forcing them to respect the De-escalation Agreement by ceasing any land or aerial bombardments on the area.

– Support the local civic institutions, to manage the area and begin the reconstruction process, as well as to establish a free democratic model that represents the desires and expectations of the people.

The International Community and United Nations have lost many opportunities to save the Syrian People from numerous crimes committed against it, and to hold the perpetrators accountable. Despite our great frustration and lack of trust in the international entities, we still hope that these institutions and current international system undertake their responsibilities this time to save the Syrian People from further crimes and disasters.

Signatories:

  1. Ahl Horan

  2. Ahrar – The Working Group for Syria

  3. Al Kawakibi Organization for Human Rights

  4. Al Sharqia Patriotic Grouping – Political Committee

  5. Assyrian Democratic Organization

  6. Baytna Syria

  7. Damir Movement

  8. Free Syria

  9. General Union of Syrian Students

  10. Ghaith Charitable Organization

  11. Idlib Political Committee

  12. Idlib Provincial Council

  13. Idlib Revolutionary Movement Committee

  14. Local Development and Small-Projects Support (LDSPS)

  15. Muatana Current

  16. Rethink Rebuild Society

  17. Shaml Syria Civil Society Coalition

  18. Sound and Picture Organization

  19. Syrian Declaration for National and Democratic Change

  20. Syrian Democratic Coalition

  21. Syrian Democratic Movement

  22. Syrian Network for Human Rights

  23. Syrian Patriotic Coalition

  24. Syrian Patriotic Democratic Coalition

  25. Syrian Women Network

  26. Syrians Coalition

  27. The Day After Association

  1. The Patriotic Coalition of the Revolutionary Forces of Hassaka

  2. The Syrian Women’s Political Movement

  3. Together Movement for a Free and Democratic Syria

  4. Watan Plan

  5. Zaiton Magazine 

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