Tag: Balkans

More evenhandedness needed

It is odd to me that those who are knocking Kosovo for unsubstantiated allegations against the Kosovo Liberation Army and current Prime Minister Hashim Thaci spare nary a sentence for Serbia’s continued failure to arrest and turn over to The Hague Ratko Mladic, indicted for well-established war crimes in Bosnia.  Even for Belgrade’s supporters, this should be a serious embarrassment, never mind those who pretend to even-handedness.

In the meanwhile, it has emerged that Dick Marty, the Council of Europe rapporteur who made the allegations against Thaci and the KLA, was a vigorous opponent of Kosovo independence. His arguments, and others, have now been thoroughly and completely rejected by the International Court of Justice in its advisory opinion.

Clearly Marty’s allegations require a more even-handed and professional investigation.  Thaci has agreed to cooperate–he can hardly do otherwise.  In the meanwhile, it behooves us all to leave the Kosovars to sort out the political consequences on their own.  Those who advocate using this moment to ram through solutions to serious problems–like the status of Kosovo’s Serb-controlled north–are only showing their own biases against Pristina and sowing the seeds of future resentment.

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Let the Kosovars decide

I’m getting calls and emails asking what should happen now in response to the Council of Europe trafficking and other allegations against Kosovo Prime Minister Hashim Thaci.

My answer:  a serious judicial investigation is in order, one led by internationals, but beyond that let the Kosovars decide.

I am already on the record advocating a serious investigation, so I have no objection to the Council of Europe passing a resolution Thursday asking for one.  I can’t comment more specifically since I’ve only found the draft, which I suppose might not be identical to the final version.  If the idea is an EU Lex-led investigation, I hope Pristina, Tirana and Belgrade will all pledge and implement full cooperation.

Lots of folks would like to tell Prime Minister Thaci to tough it out, or to resign, or to step aside.  Not me.

He has vigorously denied the accusations.  We’ll see a first reaction among a constituency that has favored him in the January 9 re-run of the voting in five municipalities where there were apparent ballot irregularities.  If that is done properly, the electoral commission will certify the results and the government formation process will begin.

At that point the Kosovar political system will have to decide whether it wants a government led by Hashim Thaci to initiate talks with Belgrade or prefers to look for other leadership.  The internationals, especially the U.S. Embassy in Pristina, are used to telling the Kosovars what to do, and the temptation will be great.  It should be resisted.

This is a critical moment for Kosovo’s political institutions.  Pushing one way or the other could generate a serious backlash, or allow politicians to duck their responsibilities, ruining an opportunity for them to take a responsible and wise decision.  Interfering with democratically elected politicians as they grapple with a political crisis will not help the immediate situation or strengthen the Kosovo institutions.

All of what I write above assumes that no further evidence on the truth or falsity of the allegations against the Prime Minister emerges.  The assertions in the Council of Europe report are hearsay and guilt by association–no American court would be much interested in them, though the police might well look for further evidence.

Hashim Thaci has the right to be regarded as innocent until proven guilty in a proper court, not in a Council of Europe parliamentary inquiry which he was apparently given no opportunity to rebut.   Serbian President Tadic has already said he is prepared to talk with Thaci, despite the accusations. The question now will be whether the Kosovars want Thaci to represent them.  Patience and restraint would be my counsel to the internationals.

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Kosovo gets complicated

What should we make of allegations “of inhuman treatment of people and illicit trafficking in human organs in Kosovo” by a Council of Europe rapporteur, Swiss politician Dick Marty?

The report merits being read in its entirety:  it raises serious questions, not only about the specific crimes cited in its title but also about alleged Kosovo Liberation Army involvement in them, including involvement of current Prime Minister Hashim Thaci.

The best I can do in reacting is to quote the report itself (paragraph 175):  “Our task was not to conduct an [sic] criminal investigation -we are not empowered to do so, and above all we lack the necessary resources – let alone to pronounce judgments of guilt or innocence.”

Would that the rapporteur had observed this restraint in the rest of the report, which not only pronounces judgments but presumes guilt at the higher levels without providing much more than a thread of connection–an American court might regard much of it as inadmissible hearsay–between the prominent politicians named and the crimes allegedly committed.  I do not deny those connections–I have no basis on which to do so–but they need to be demonstrated in a court of law on the basis of real evidence, not in a parliamentary committee report.

If the report serves to generate a serious investigation, with proper forensic tools and witness protection, it will have served a useful purpose.  The international community has hesitated too long to determine what really happened–allegations of trafficking in human organs have circulated for a long time.

In the meanwhile, Mr. Marty’s report will complicate the process of government formation in Kosovo, already made more difficult by allegations of vote fraud on the part of Thaci’s party.  What looked to me a few days ago like an opportunity for Kosovo to demonstrate its democratic credentials is turning rapidly into a debacle.  Kosovo’s citizens deserve better.

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Kosovo elections mostly fair and peaceful, but…

As in life, things don’t always look good the morning after.  While results have not yet been announced, European Parliament and other observers believe yesterday’s mostly fair and peaceful elections may have been marred by ballot stuffing in the Drenica stronghold of Prime Minister Hashim Thaci.  The key issue now will be how well these allegations are investigated and dealt with by the elections complaint commission.

The apparent election results so far put Thaci in the lead, but he will need coalition partners (in addition to the constitutionally required Serb and minority parties) to govern.  While the press in Pristina is bemoaning “deadlock,” there are lots of arithmetic possibilities for forming a governing coalition and a strong opposition, both of which Kosovo needs.

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Kosovo elections preview: opportunity knocks

Talking security for Serbs near Gnijlane, Kosovo, about 2001
Talking security for Serbs near Gnijlane, Kosovo, about 2001

Kosovo national elections will take place tomorrow, the first parliamentary poll since independence.  Unlike Egypt, Haiti and Ivory Coast, the Kosovo government seems likely to gain in legitimacy and authority from a relatively well-organized and executed effort, one in which substantial numbers of Albanians, Serbs and other minorities are expected to choose among a wide array of political options.

By all reports, the campaign and the election-day organization have been good, maybe even very good.  Planning has included 23,000 certified election observers.  Polling places are expected to be available in Serb enclaves; Serbs are guaranteed 10 seats in a 120-seat Parliament but can win more.  Other minorities also get 10.  The system is “open list” with the opportunity to select five candidates.  Women make up one-third of the lists and one-third of the unicameral legislature.

The campaign has been vigorous but peaceful, with eight Serb parties among the 29 contesting the elections.  Two new Albanian parties—the more radical Self Determination and the activist but more centrist New Spirit—joined the competition with more established political forces and their offshoots.  The press in Kosovo is ranked “partly free” by Freedom House, due in large part to weaknesses in the legal environment.  But there do not appear to have been any special restrictions associated with the elections.

The main issues of concern to voters, according to the National Democratic Institute’s pre-election polling, are the economy/jobs and corruption, which are also the two areas in which the most dissatisfaction was expressed.  “Political stability,” whatever that means, is a fairly distant third.  Health and education are viewed as improving.  The only institutions scoring at all well were civil society organizations, though the parliament, government and political parties did better than the new municipalities and the ministry of community and returns.

Participation is expected to be strong in most communities, with the possible and important exception of the Serbs who live in the North, where Belgrade’s influence is most strongly felt.  If tomorrow is peaceful and participation is strong, it will be an excellent sign of interest and even confidence in the political process.

These elections are an opportunity.  If they come off well, they will be an important step in validating Kosovo’s institutions as representative and democratic in advance of upcoming negotiations with Belgrade and give Pristina an important claim to international recognition, regardless of who wins or loses.

Why should Americans care about elections in such a small and out of the way place?  With U.S. leadership, NATO went to war over Kosovo in 1999, and we thereafter spent billions to station forces there and help build the Kosovo state.  As we consider what to do in Afghanistan (as well as Iraq), it is at least modestly gratifying to hear that such efforts sometimes succeed, at least in part.

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See event writeups: Pristina prepares for negotiations with Belgrade

See event writeups, please.

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