Tag: Egypt
Beyond success and failure lies attractive possibility
Michael Picard, a first-year Conflict Management student at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, writes:
The Wilson Center February 24 hosted a panel discussion on “Revisiting the Arab Uprisings at 10: Beyond Success and Failure.” that weighed the societal impacts of the Arab uprisings 10 years after they broke out. The term “Arab Spring” is a misnomer as the revolts did not result in democratic reform – the term Arab uprisings was used instead.
The key question was whether the Arab uprisings werea failure that is now over or are they the beginning of a longer process of societal transformation?
Panelists
Liz Sly (moderator): Beirut Bureau Chief, Washington Post
Amy Austin Holmes: International Affairs Fellow, Council on Foreign Relations
Marina Ottaway: Middle East Fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Asher Orkaby: Fellow, Transregional Institute, Princeton University
Anas El Gomati: Founder and Director, Sadeq Institute
Focusing specifically on the experiences of Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, and Libya, the panelists presented and weighed the legacy of each country’s uprising 10 years on. Despite initial popular hope, there was never a serious expectation among observers that these states would transition to democracy overnight. What we have witnessed so far is the beginning of a long-term transformation of the MENA region. The memories of pre-uprising realities are still pertinent, and the youthful composition of Arab societies highlights the need for political and economic reforms.
Several panelists noted the US must examine how its policies and signals have impeded demoratic transitions. Regarding the 2013 coup that deposed Mohammed Morsi, Egypt’s first democratically elected leader, the African Union immediately expelled Egypt in response to this setback. The US did not react until the Rabaa massacre, which killed hundreds of pro-Morsi demonstrators. This reflects a broader theme: that the US must consider its democracy promotion goals and what its precise role ought to be in realizing these goals.
The panel also discussed the role of the Gulf monarchies in the Arab uprisings, noting that they saw such movements – both those originating domestically and in nearby states – as existential threats. Ottaway offered an anecdote about a Saudi official who anticipated expatriate students would demand greater civil liberties. This compelled the Gulf states to act – near unanimously – to crush domestic uprisings and take an active international role in promoting counterrevolutions. This has caused immense destruction throughout the region, derailing local conflict management efforts and restraining Gulf proxies from negotiating settlements.
Ottaway observed that perhaps the most pessimistic lesson of the Arab uprisings was that removal of large, unitary, Arab regimes that dominated political life has revealed that the building blocks of democracy were absent, with the narrow exception of Tunisia. Tunisia was able to avoid fates similar to Libya and Yemen because it is a) socially homogenous with relatively few ethnic and sectarian minorities, and b) politically pluralistic. Historically salient political organizations already existed and held society together, albeit in uneasy, unstable balances.
The panelists spoke to new dynamics and outcomes that continue to emerge. Several elaborated on “second generation” protest movements in Lebanon, Iraq, Algeria, and Sudan. In these contexts, protestors demonstrated greater understanding of how their movements could be more inclusive, better organized, and better at extracting meaningful government concessions. This has helped them avoid the high-stakes losses of the “first generation” protest movements.
The panelists noted unanimously that the Arab uprisings have had positive implications for women and some minorities. In several countries, women initiated the initial protest movements, focused on detention of their kin. In war-torn states, women have taken on a more active role in daily economic and social life. The panelists hope that these gains will be locked in with female participation quotas in emergent governance institutions. In Egypt, the Nubian minority gained recognition in the constitution and procured the right to return to ancestral lands from which they were forcibly displaced.
Conclusion
The panel agreed that the Arab uprisings were not failures that are now over but the beginning of a longer transitional process and state-building experiment. Orkaby noted these uprisings sparked the creation of local civil society organizations or strengthened existing ones. El Gomati noted the renewal of social protests in Lebanon, Iraq, Algeria, and Sudan, indicating civilians are still willing to take to the streets. Austin Holmes emphasized that much will depend on how the Biden administration postures itself toward the region, especially with regard to countries that have retained despotic features.
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America is back, but where and how is not yet clear
President Biden today in two appearances at the State Department–one for the staff and one to address foreign policy–was anxious to say that America is back to diplomacy, to the defense of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law, and to cooperating with allies. His foreign policy will, he said, benefit Americans, whose security and welfare will be primary goals.
He is clear enough about Russia and China. He’ll be much tougher on the former than Trump, calling out its repression and even murder of dissidents and countering cyberhacking and election interference, while seeking areas of common interest like the already extended limits on strategic nuclear weapons. On China, the policy will be similar to Trump’s in aiming to compete as well as cooperate, but with more attention to human rights and less inclination to trade wars, though the tariffs don’t appear to be coming down yet.
In the Middle East, Biden was clear about one thing: he wants a negotiated end to the war against the Houthi rebels in Yemen and will cut off American support to the Saudis and Emiratis. So much materiel has already been transferred that this make take some time to have a logistical impact, but the psychological impact will be immediate. The Hadi government the Saudis and Emiratis have backed is going to have to cut a deal or step aside so someone else can. It is unclear what the Houthis will be willing to yield, as they currently have the upper hand in much of the fighting, but we’ll find out soon enough.
Biden has also made it clear he is prepared to return to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (Iran Nuclear Deal) if Tehran does likewise. But the sequencing of the respective returns, and precisely what they amount to in terms of sanctions relief and nuclear reversal, are still unclear. So is any future nuclear agenda: the Iranians have so far refused widening, deepening, or prolonging the JCPOA.
On the rest of the Middle East, Biden has left things unclear. He has said little or nothing about:
- Syria, where the US still has forces pursuing ISIS, protecting oil wells, and cooperating with Kurdish-led insurgents regarded as terrorists by NATO ally Turkey,
- Palestine, though he has renewed diplomatic contacts with the Palestinian Authority and will presumably return to the two-state goal Trump tried to obliterate,
- Iraq, where US forces were drawn down to 2500 by his predecessor,
- Libya, where the UN has been making some apparent progress on ending the civil war.
- Egypt, where President Sisi has imposed a renewed autocracy at least as ferocious as either of his two immediate predecessors.
Each of these countries is at least as important to the United States as Yemen, but it is unclear what “America is back” means to them. Americans are tired of these longstanding messes, whose resolution is hard to tie directly to American security and welfare, even if we know that withdrawal from them could be costly.
America is really good at getting in, especially if can be done with warplanes and troops. It is much harder to get out, which requires diplomacy. But at least we now have a president who believes in diplomacy and is prepared to back America’s diplomats.
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Bid farewell to the treasons of Trump
It’s been hard, but we’ve almost made it to the other side. Now comes a time for rebuilding, or in Biden terms building back better.
Domestic issues will take first priority: the epidemic, the economy, social cleavages. Biden will need to get a lot more needles into arms, a lot more jobs returned and created, a lot of injustices to black and brown people, immigrants, women, college students, and LGBTQ people rectified. Trump’s white supremacist and 2nd Amendment supporters need to know that LAW AND ORDER applies to them as well as to everyone else. Successful prosecution of the January 6 insurrectionists is critical, including an eventual conviction of Trump in the Senate.
Current Majority Leader McConnell is not only open to that possibility but has blamed Trump for provoking the January 6 insurrection:
The mob was fed lies.
This is important, as it opens the a possibility of purging Trumpism from the Republican Party and eventually also from the Senate and House. Remnants will persist, but American politics will return to a much better place if Republicans and Democrats once again come to share a common factual basis rather than being distracted constantly by Trump’s lies.
International issues will be in capable hands at the State Department, National Security Council, and the Defense Department. But they can’t do everything at once. The early moves have been telegraphed: re-entry into the Iran nuclear deal (hard) and the Paris climate agreement (easy) as well as an effort to negotiate with Russia extended limits on strategic nuclear weapons. But the enemy also gets a vote on priorities. Surprise challenges could come from North Korea, China, or Islamist extremists. Those should not distract the Bidenists from their chosen path: to restore American leadership on a multilateral basis and make the world order more rules-based than it has been for the last four years.
My own focus is on what this means for the Balkans and the Middle East.
In the Balkans it is clear: Washington needs to develop a common vision with the European Union and its member states, then implement it with vigor to stem the tide of Russian and Chinese influence and hasten the day when the countries of the region will all qualify for accession to the EU.
In the Middle East, the way forward is far less clear, because the region lacks a clear direction and American interest has declined. I might prefer that the US favor democracy and human rights, but the fact is there are few Middle East countries in which we’ll find much prospect of either. The trick will be cooperating with autocratic friends (read Egypt, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, and others) without encouraging their human rights abuses. Biden is already committed, as I understand it, to ending US support for the war in Yemen, which will displease Riyadh and Abu Dhabi.
The Israel/Palestine equation will be particularly difficult to solve, as Trump has intentionally lessened the prospects for the two-state solution America has favored. Biden won’t want to reverse the move of the US Embassy to Jerusalem, and the so-called Abrahamic accords between Israel and the UAE and Bahrain he welcomed. But he could tilt in favor of the Palestinians by renewing US contributions to the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) and re-establishing a consulate in East Jerusalem, making it clear it will become an embassy once a Palestinian state is formed and recognized.
The world will be watching. Expectations of Biden are high. Disappointments and failures are inevitable, but I do hope America can return to its proper role as a leader in the democratic world!
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A big potential success at risk
The International Crisis Group, the Organization of the African Unity, and others are rightly focused on preventing a humanitarian disaster in Tigray, where Ethiopian forces are threatening to take the regional capital Mekelle from the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). Tens of thousands have already fled the Tigray Region into Sudan and many other civilians may suffer horribly if the regional capital is assaulted. Reports of atrocities by both sides are rife.
My students and I met last January with TPLF officials and party members during our 12-day study trip to Ethiopia, when we were focused on the full range of ethnic conflicts brewing not only in the far north but also in the Oromo and Amhara regions as well as in the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and People’s Region. Ethiopia, a country of more than 80 different and often intermingled ethnic groups, has enormous potential for internal ethnic conflict:
But the current conflict, severe as it is and could become in Tigray, is not really about Tigray. It is about Addis Ababa and who holds power there. The TPLFers we met with made it absolutely clear that they did not regard Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia’s Nobel-Prize winning Prime Minister, as legitimate. In the Tigrayan view, he had usurped power by taking control of the ruling party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and then moving its resources to his own Progress Party without the required consultation with the Tigrayans, who had in the past dominated the leadership not only of the EPRDF but also the army and other key institutions.
In September the TPLF insisted on holding elections in the Tigray region despite Abiy Ahmed’s postponement of national elections due to the Covid-19 epidemic. Ninety-eight per cent voted for the TPLF. Then, according to the Prime Minister, the TPLF attacked Ethiopian government forces stationed in the region. The message was clear: the TPLF wanted to control its own region without interference or presence from the Addis Ababa government. It is not surprising Abiy Ahmed reacted to the challenge to his authority.
It is going to take more than a ceasefire and accommodation of some sort in the Tigray region to settle things down, though that is the vital first step. The Ethiopian government, which frames the whole matter as a law enforcement issue, wants to arrest and try the TPLF leadership. The TPLF, with overwhelming support in its own region, wants at least autonomy if not (constitutionally guaranteed) secession, though some Tigrayans might be bought off with power-sharing of some sort in Addis Ababa. Certainly the Tigrayan loss of power there is strongly felt, not least because Abiy Ahmed’s much-vaunted agreement to end Ethiopia’s hostilities with Eritrea requires Tigrayan forces to withdraw from territory they have occupied for more than 20 years.
Even if the Tigray conflict is resolved, Ethiopia faces half a dozen other internal conflicts that might and do lead to so far localized violence. And its dispute with Egypt over control of the Blue Nile remains unresolved. Ethiopia is filling the lake behind the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, but at a rate that for now will not drastically affect the flow of the Nile downstream. With more than 100 million people, Ethiopia is the second largest in Africa. Its success would be a big contribution to stability in the Horn and prosperity in much of the continent. But the risks are real.
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Peace Picks | June 15 – 20
Notice: Due to recent public health concerns, upcoming events are only available via live-streaming.
- A Conversation with H.E. Anwar Gargash, UAE Minister of State for Foreign Affairs | June 17, 2020 | 9:00 AM – 10:00 AM | Middle East Institute | Register Here
As the second largest Arab economy- with a burgeoning regional role in the Gulf, the Red Sea and North Africa- the United Arab Emirates is facing a range of domestic and regional challenges, but also opportunities, in light of COVID-19 and the drop in global oil prices. Furthermore, the rise in great power competition, particularly the rising role of Russia and China in the Middle East, makes an examination of US – UAE relations that much more timely and important.
To discuss these important issues and more, the Middle East Institute is glad to welcome H.E. Dr. Anwar Gargash, UAE Minister of State for Foreign Affairs. Please join us for this timely discussion moderated by MEI President Paul Salem.
Speakers:
Dr. Paul Salem (Moderator) : President, Middle East Institute
H.E. Dr. Anwar Mohammed Gargash: Cabinet Member and Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, United Arab Emirates
- COVID in South Asia: Regional Responses | June 17, 2020 | 9:30 AM – 11:00 AM | United States Institute of Peace | Register Here
In South Asia, diverse, densely situated, and economically precarious populations add further complexity to fighting the coronavirus pandemic. Measures to limit the virus’s spread have spurred massive economic contraction, disproportionately affecting the region’s most vulnerable populations, while recent steps to re-open economies are fueling a rise in cases and risk overwhelming health and governance systems. The crisis has also exacerbated societal fissures and structural problems, including religious, caste, and ethnic divisions, ineffective communication, and political tensions. Amid compounding challenges, how governments respond to the pandemic will have a lasting impact on the region’s stability and the future of its nearly two billion citizens.
Please join USIP and experts from Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka for a discussion on states’ responses to the coronavirus pandemic across the region and what countries can do to maintain and restore their economies, health systems, and citizens’ trust in elected officials.
Speakers:
Amb. Tariq Karim: Former Bangladeshi Ambassador to the U.S.
Amb. Maleeha Lodhi: Former Pakistani Ambassador to the U.S. and former Pakistani Ambassador to the U.N.
Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu: Executive Director of the Centre for Policy Alternatives, Sri Lanka
Amb. Arun Singh: Former Indian Ambassador to the U.S.
Tamanna Salikuddin (Moderator): Director, South Asia, U.S. Institute of Peace
- Lebanon at a Crossroads: Is Real Reform Possible? | June 17, 2020 | 10:00 AM – 11:00 AM | Carnegie Endowment of International Peace, Middle East Center | Watch Event Here
Lebanon remains a highly volatile sociopolitical and economic environment, compounded by a crippling financial crisis, a large protest movement nationwide, increasing tension among political and sectarian factions, and a large presence of Syrian refugees. Its vibrant civil society has played a leading role in pushing for reform to address the significant threats facing the country.
While the unprecedented mass demonstrations that began in October 2019 succeeded in pressuring the government of then-prime minister Saad Hariri to resign, they have yet to lead to the radical change that many protestors are seeking. As Lebanon continues to flatten the coronavirus curve and as the country opens up again, the protest movement is largely expected to make a comeback, with protestors again voicing demands for an independent judiciary, accountability, early parliamentary elections, and financial reform—among others.
Speakers:
Maha Yahya: Director, Carnegie Middle East Center
Lara Bitar: Founding editor, The Public Source
Alia Ibrahim: Founding partner and chairwoman, Daraj
Jean Kassir: Co-founder and managing editor, Megaphone
- Egypt Faces the Pandemic: Politics, Rights, and Global Dynamics | June 18, 2020 |10:00 AM – 11:15 AM| Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | Watch Event Here
In many countries, the pandemic is providing justifications for crackdowns on rights, changes in law, and postponement of elections. What is happening in Egypt? And will the pandemic lead to any changes in its regional and global relationships?
Speakers:
Khaled Mansour: Independent writer and consultant on issues of human rights, humanitarian aid, and development
Mai El-Sadany: Managing director and legal and judicial director, the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy
Amr Hamzawy: Nonresident Senior Fellow, Middle East Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace; Senior Research scholar in the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law, Stanford University
- Civil-Military Relations Amid Domestic Crisis | June 18, 2020 | 11:00 AM – 12:15 PM | Johns Hopkins SAIS | Register Here
The speakers will address the politicization of the U.S. military and urgent issues of civil-military relations in the current environment. With President Trump’s order of the U.S. military and federal law enforcement to Washington DC; the forcible removal of peaceful protestors to secure a photo op with military leaders; and Secretary Esper’s reference to American cities as the “battlespace,” the divide between society and service members has rarely been so stark.
The speakers will also examine the implications of President Trump’s recent actions on U.S. national security, both domestically and abroad. What are the various ways the current situation could play out? What are the medium- and long-term implications on civil-military relations? To what standard must we hold our senior civilian and military officials, as well as our service members?
Speakers:
Eliot A. Cohen: Dean of Johns Hopkins SAIS
Mara Karlin: Executive Director, Merrill Center for Strategic Studies, Johns Hopkins SAIS
Paula Thornhill: Associate Director, Merrill Center for Strategic Studies, Johns Hopkins SAIS
LTG David Barno (USA, ret.): Senior Fellow and Visiting Professor, Merrill Center for Strategic Studies, Johns Hopkins SAIS
Nora Bensahel: Senior Fellow and Visiting Professor, Merrill Center for Strategic Studies, Johns Hopkins SAIS
- Webinar—The International Monetary Fund’s COVID-19 challenge: A conversation with Geoffrey Okamoto | June 18, 2020 | 2:00 PM – 3:00 PM | American Enterprise Institute | Register Here
The coronavirus pandemic has plunged the global economy into its worst recession in the past 90 years and has delivered a severe blow to practically every economy in the world.
At this event, Geoffrey Okamoto, the first deputy managing director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), will discuss how the IMF now views the world economic outlook and how it is adapting its policies to serve best its membership at this challenging time.
Speakers:
Geoffrey Okamoto: First deputy managing director, International Monetary Fund (IMF)
Desmond Lachman: Resident Fellow, American Enterprise Institute
- Troubled Waters: the Changing Security Environment in the Black Sea | June 18, 2020 | 2:00 PM – 3:00 PM | Middle East Institute | Register Here
NATO member states and partners in the Black Sea have entered a new strategic adaptation phase after the annexation of Crimea and the subsequent focus on territorial defense. The last six years have been a challenge in strategic adaptation to new threats and challenges in the Black Sea, an increasingly militarized and volatile security environment. But success in adaptation has been limited by differing threat perceptions among member states, as well as by difficulties integrating Western defense planning. The Middle East Institute (MEI) Frontier Europe Initiative is pleased to host a panel of experts to discuss the challenges facing the Black Sea countries in adapting to the new security environment.
What are the main challenges for NATO member states and partners in the Black Sea region? How have NATO member states Bulgaria, Romania and Turkey adapted to increasing militarization and volatility in the Black Sea? What are the main challenges for NATO partners countries Georgia and Ukraine and how are they progressing in Western security integration? Are there lessons to be learned for NATO defense and strategic adaptation in the Black Sea?
Speakers:
Stephen J. Flanagan: Senior political scientist, RAND Corporation
Thomas-Durell Young: Senior lecturer, Institute for Security Governance, US Naval Postgraduate School and Journal of Defense and Security Analysis
Iulia Joja (Moderator): Senior Fellow, Middle East Institute, Frontier Europe Initiative
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Peace Picks | June 7 – 14
Notice: Due to recent public health concerns, upcoming events are only available via live-streaming.
- U.S. Diplomacy & Women’s Leadership in the MENA Region | June 8, 2020 | 10:00 AM – 11:35 AM | Johns Hopkins SAIS | Register Here
Johns Hopkins SAIS invites you to a discussion with distinguished women involved in U.S. diplomacy in the Middle East and North Africa region as they share their views on women’s leadership in U.S. diplomacy, current U.S. engagement in the region and how this will be affected by COVID-19. The conversation, moderated by Dr. Chiedo Nwankwor, Director of SAIS Women Lead, will also touch upon the challenges these women faced representing the U.S. in the highest foreign policy decision making circles in the MENA region and more.
Speakers:
Anne Patterson: Former Assistant Secretary of State for the Near East and US Ambassador to Egypt and Pakistan
Deborah Jones: Former US Ambassador to Libya and Kuwait
Gina Abercrombie-Winstanley: Former US Ambassador to Malta
Robin Raphel: Former Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia and US Ambassador to Tunisia
Kirsten Fontenrose: Director of the Scowcroft Center at the Atlantic Council and Former Director of the Gulf region at the National Security Council
Hafed Al-Ghwell: Senior Fellow, Johns Hopkins SAIS Foreign Policy Institute
- The Dilemmas of New Global Disorder | June 9, 2020 | 10:00 AM – 11:15 AM | Johns Hopkins SAIS | Register Here
To recognize Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski’s legacy, Johns Hopkins SAIS and its Foreign Policy Institute have established the Zbigniew Brzezinski Initiative, a unique set of academic programs that builds on the school’s strengths as a leading center for training graduate students in international policy and relevant academic research. The Initiative comprises both immediate programming and longer-term plans, which together will equip a new generation of policy experts capable of the authoritative analysis, strategic vision, and active diplomacy that were hallmarks of Dr. Brzezinski’s role as a scholar, policy advisor, and statesman.
Speakers:
Nicholas Kristof: New York Times columnist
Dean Eliot A. Cohen: Dean of the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies
Ambassador Mark F. Brzezinski: American Ambassador to Sweden from 2011-2015
- A New Iraqi Government and the Future of the Popular Mobilization Forces | June 10, 2020 | 10:30 AM – 11:30 AM | The Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington | Register Here
As the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant surged into Iraq in the summer of 2014, Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani called on Iraqis to volunteer to protect their country. From this initiative emerged the Popular Mobilization Forces, which were largely organized by pro-Iran and Iranian-supported militias.
Subsequent efforts to place these forces under the command of the Iraqi government failed, and many PMF units forged a command relationship with Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, the PMF deputy commander, and Qassim Soleimani, Iranian Quds Force commander. While the PMF initially gained widespread popular support among Shias for its role in defeating ISIL, the killing of Suleimani and Muhandis in January and the withdrawal of units associated with Sistani from the PMF in April opened new questions about the future of the PMF and its relationship with both the Iraqi government and Iran.
What does the loss of the PMF’s two most influential figures mean for the future leadership of these forces? Will the new Iraqi government be able to establish effective control over the PMF or will Iran continue its operational domination? Will growing popular discontent with the PMF lead to clashes with the Iraqi army and police?
Speakers:
Ali Alfoneh: Senior Fellow, The Arab Gulf States Institute Washington
Michael Knights: Senior Fellow, The Washington Institute
Amb. Rend Al-Rahim: Co-Founder and President, Iraq Foundation
- Webinar: China’s role in the MENA region post-COVID-19 | June 10, 2020 | 3:00 PM – 4:00 PM | Brookings | Register Here
The COVID-19 pandemic continues to wreak havoc across the world, placing great strains on public finances and health systems. The pandemic is likely to create seismic changes in the economic, political, and security dimensions of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, as well as recalibrate its relations with global powers, including China.
Early on in the crisis, MENA energy producers, including Saudi Arabia, Iran, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, and Qatar, sent medical supplies to China, the world’s largest consumer of Middle Eastern crude. As China slowly fought back the virus, it reciprocated by sending supplies to various MENA states, while conducting a public relations campaign in the region. In light of an ineffective U.S. response to the pandemic, China has sought to showcase its governance model and swift response. China’s public outreach and diplomacy during the crisis has aimed to reframe the narrative about its role in the region and globally, amid deepening mistrust and competition with the United States and Europe.
The Brookings Doha Center invites you to attend a webinar on China’s role in the MENA region post-COVID-19. The discussion will address the following questions: Within the context of regional and global economic challenges, how will Chinese-MENA relations evolve in the post-COVID-19 era? How can MENA states navigate rising U.S.-China tensions? And, in the long term, can China supplant the roles of the United States and Europe in the region, particularly in the Gulf and North Africa?
Speakers:
Adel Abdel Ghafar: Fellow, Foreign Policy, Brookings Doha Center
Degang Sun: Professor, Institute of International Studies, Fudan University
Emilie Tran: Course Coordinator of European Studies-French Stream at the Hong Kong Baptist University
Yahia H. Zoubir: Visiting Fellow-Brookings Doha Center
Zeno Leoni: Teaching Fellow in Challenges to the International Order- King’s College London
- Egypt Faces the Pandemic: Health and Economic Effects | June 11, 2020 | 10:00 AM – 11:15 AM | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | Register Here
How hard will Egypt be hit by the pandemic’s health effects? To what extent is its health system meeting the challenge? And how will Egyptians cope with the inescapable difficulties of a global recession, collapse of tourism, and return of many workers from the Gulf?
Speakers:
Ayman Sabae: right to health researcher at the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights
Timothy E. Kaldas: independent risk advisor and nonresident fellow at the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy
Michelle Dunne: director and senior fellow in the Middle East Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
- Webinar: Reopening America- Equitably solutions for workers and their families in the COVID-19 era | June 12, 2020 | 2:00 PM – 3:00 PM | Brookings | Register Here
As the United States continues to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic, it is clear that reopening the economy will be a phased process dependent upon transmission rates. Social distancing, reduced economic activity, and disruptions in our everyday lives are likely to continue for some time, with profound implications on societal, community, and individual well-being. The disproportionately harmful effects on people of color are already well documented.
As Americans strive to return to work, there are major issues to address regarding health and health care access; disruptions in child care and K-12 education; and income and support for displaced workers, those unable to work due to health conditions, and undocumented and informal workers. Meanwhile, many business owners are struggling both operationally and financially, and are unsure if they can keep their doors open. As these dynamics continue, lawmakers and leaders in the private and social sectors will need to continue to evaluate the role of government and develop creative and equitable policy solutions for the country’s new normal.
On June 12, the Governance Studies and Metropolitan Policy programs at Brookings will cohost a webinar to discuss equitable solutions for workers and their families as the American economy begins to reopen. Speakers will explore how challenges across multiple areas of life, work, and economic activity combine to create a unique moment that requires careful thought and wide-ranging, equity-focused solutions.
Speakers:
John Allen: President, Brookings
Camille Busette: Senior Fellow, Economic Studies, Governance Studies, Metropolitan Policy Program; Director, Race, Prosperity, and Inclusion Initiative
Annelies Goger: David M. Rubenstein Fellow, Metropolitan Policy Program
Anika Goss: Executive Director, Detrit Future City
Martha Ross: Fellow, Metropolitan Policy Program
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