Tag: Humanitarian assistance
Rescue USAID and refugee assistance now!
I signed on to this letter addressed to the Senate and House leadership with dozens of former colleagues and friends:
The Honorable John R. Thune, Senate Majority Leader
The Honorable Charles E. Schumer, Senate Minority Leader
The Honorable Mike Johnson, Speaker of the House
The Honorable Hakeem Jeffries, House Minority Leader
United States Capitol, Washington, DC
Dear Senators Thune and Schumer, and Representatives Johnson and Jeffries:
As former U.S. government officials who served in national security and humanitarian positions in both Democratic and Republican administrations, we write to ask you to take all steps in your power to urge rescission of the Trump administration executive orders and directives aimed at freezing U.S. foreign assistance and dismantling USAID. These directives inflict irreparable damage on hundreds of millions of people around the world, harm Americans by crippling our ability to protect U.S. citizens from disease and other harms, and invite China and other competitors to fill the gap we have created, thereby increasing their power and influence at our expense.
In the some 200 countries where hundreds of millions of people have benefited from U.S. aid, the bulk of such support has been economic and humanitarian assistance. When Presidents, Cabinet Secretaries, and Members of Congress are welcomed in countries of Africa, Latin America, the Middle East and South Asia, and Europe, the concrete manifestations of U.S. government support have been the humanitarian and development programs supported by USAID and the State Department’s humanitarian operations.
These operations represent less than one percent of the federal budget. At the same time, U.S. aid has amounted to between a quarter and a third of global assistance, roughly the same as the U.S. share of GDP among wealthy countries. It has given the United States enormous capacity for influence, while making our country the global leader in efforts to reduce human suffering and abject poverty.
These are the programs that President Trump and Elon Musk are decimating, as we write, while depriving the U.S. Congress of its constitutional and legislative roles.
It is difficult to capture in one letter the scope of what the Financial Times has accurately called the “willful sabotage of U.S. soft power.” But the human suffering that these cut-offs have caused is catastrophic and heartbreaking. Elon Musk’s measures have halted critical and highly effective life-saving initiatives, including programs that provide clean water to infants; healthcare to mothers who are expecting; food, shelter, and refuge for those fleeing persecution and disaster; and life-saving support to those suffering from disease.
In Kenya, Syria, Lebanon, and elsewhere, aid to survivors of torture was stopped in its tracks. Children and adult victims of war and terror who have relied on the United States have been left without care. And in poorer countries around the world, thousands of women and girls will die in the next 90 days due to complications of childbirth that might otherwise have been avoided through interventions funded by Congress and administered by USAID.
Even the highly visible PEPFAR program to combat AIDS, started by President George W. Bush and responsible for saving some 25 million lives, was frozen. Clinics were closed and HIV sufferers were denied access to antiretrovirals. While some services were resumed, crucial programs remained suspended and millions are affected.
In our own country, the suspension of the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program has led to tragic stories of thousands who were ready to travel to the United States, including Afghans who helped to support U.S. goals in their country. This modest and carefully managed program has revitalized declining communities and strengthened the U.S. economy, and persuaded other countries to do their fair share.
The tragic stories go on and on and on, from the curtailing of remarkable U.S. efforts to limit the spread of tuberculosis and eradicate polio, to the ending of programs that have built local economies and have thereby discouraged migration to the United States, to the abrupt halt of the USAID-supported Famine Early Warning System (FEWS), the gold standard for anticipating and monitoring famines worldwide.
Due to horror stories shared with Members of Congress about the impact of the funding freeze, Trump administration officials have added some exemptions to the ban. But this piecemeal effort is a wholly inefficient, inadequate, and cynical way to proceed with reform. It has merely left hundreds of millions around the world in disbelief at how the United States could act in such an arbitrary and cavalier manner.
History will not look kindly on this avoidable tragedy – for the hundreds of millions in need, for U.S. leadership and moral authority around the world, and for U.S. national security, as global competitors like China and Russia rush to fill the gap we have created. It will be part of the legacy of this Congress if not reversed.
We implore you to urge President Trump to rescind the freeze, which curtails U.S. efforts to provide critical humanitarian aid and development support around the world, and undermines the Constitutional authority of Congress. In particular, we ask that you urge the President to resume the funding and operations of USAID and its overseas offices, as well as the humanitarian programs of the Department of State.
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Law, escalation, planning
I get a lot of messages from the Jewish organization J Street, which I support. I thought this one might be informative to those who wonder what liberal American Jews are thinking (I’ve inserted the headings, because my software likes them):
Daniel,
The entire J Street community has been profoundly, deeply and often personally affected by the atrocities committed by Hamas on October 7. In an unspeakably painful moment, we’ve rallied together to support each other and to support communities on the ground.
In this exceedingly dark hour, we’ve been deeply moved by the support from President Biden and leaders across the political spectrum.
When the President visited Israel last week, he delivered a strong, heartfelt and meaningful show of support for Israelis at a time of immense national grief and trauma. His visit and his words were warmly received by Israelis and by the American Jewish community.
In the days and weeks since Hamas’ heinous attack, J Street has strongly supported Israel’s right to defend its citizens in accordance with international law and to bring the perpetrators to justice.
Hostages and Gaza civilians
The hostages remain at the forefront of our concerns, and we urge accelerated efforts by the international community to ensure their safe and speedy return. Images of families filled with relief as the first hostages were released have provided a rare glimpse of hope in an otherwise dismal moment.
We’ve also borne witness to immense destruction and suffering in Gaza. Families desperate to find shelter from air strikes, cut off from access to food, water, medicine and electricity. We are deeply concerned by the unfolding humanitarian catastrophe developing for its civilian population, and are pressing for American leadership to save lives and prevent further suffering.
The days ahead pose challenging decisions for Israel and for the United States. There aren’t easy answers, or fully satisfactory ones.
However, we must recognize that decisions made now – in the heat of the reaction to this horrific terror attack – will impact the safety and security of Israelis, Palestinians, the Middle East and the world for decades to come.
Below are considerations in the near-term regarding Israel’s response. In a few days, I’ll share more thoughts about the longer term.
Ground invasion
Undoubtedly, for days now, you’ve been seeing the same blaring headlines that I have: “Ground Invasion Imminent.”
The Biden administration – wisely, I believe – has reportedly been stressing caution and patience. We know that whatever course of action Israel takes next will have significant ramifications for the safety of hostages in Gaza, potential escalation on other fronts and, of course, the safety and wellbeing of Palestinian civilians.
Many with direct experience making tough decisions in such situations have written wise commentaries in recent days urging caution and thoughtfulness, reflecting on the US experiences during the “War on Terror”: Former President Barack Obama. Israel’s most senior retired military commanders. Members of Congress with direct experience in Iraq like Seth Moulton and others.
As journalist Zack Beauchamp recently wrote in Vox: As a true friend of Israel, the United States should help Israel “make the right choice where America made the wrong one.”
So, what does that look like?
Abide by international law
First: As President Obama wrote this week, every conceivable effort must be made to avoid civilian casualties, support humanitarian assistance, and fully abide by international law.
“Upholding these values is important for its own sake, because it is morally just and reflects our belief in the inherent value of every human life,” the former president wrote. “Upholding these values is also vital for building alliances and shaping international opinion – all of which are critical for Israel’s long-term security.”
Inflicting unnecessary suffering on civilians in Gaza is morally wrong and deeply upsetting. Many of the scenes that we have seen from Gaza so far – of residential buildings and city blocks destroyed, of entire families killed, of hospitals barely functioning without sufficient electricity, medicine or water – are horrifying to all of us. The prospect that the toll taken on civilians could grow even worse going forward under an intensified military operation is heartrending.
We also know, from America’s own experience, that continued devastation and suffering in Gaza will also weaken support for Israel when it needs it most.
Humanitarian surge
J Street strongly supports diplomatic efforts to protect civilians and deliver a much-needed “humanitarian surge” – including unimpeded humanitarian corridors, turning water and electricity back on, designating safe zones and heeding the advice of aid agencies.
We agree with Secretary of State Blinken, who told the UN Security Council this week that “humanitarian pauses must be considered” for purposes of protecting civilians, ensuring them access to vital aid and helping them get out of harm’s way.
As President Obama noted, the Netanyahu government’s decision to cut off food, water and electricity to a captive civilian population is wrong on its face and threatens to backfire – not only worsening the growing humanitarian crisis, but eroding regional and global support for Israel while playing into the hands of its enemies.
The appalling rhetoric from senior Israeli leaders who have called for “bombing without distinction,” “destruction rather than accuracy” or even that the children of Gaza have “brought this upon themselves” must also be forcefully rejected.
Given that many members of the current Israeli government have consistently promoted extremist and incendiary rhetoric, ideology and policy during their tenure, a strong tempering influence from the United States is vitally important.
As President Biden has made clear: The civilians of Gaza are not responsible for the actions of Hamas and must not be made to pay the price for their crimes.
Prevent a conflict spiral
Second: We must be clear-eyed that wars – once started – can be difficult to contain. Every effort must be made by the US government and all parties concerned to prevent the conflict from spiraling.
No matter how well planned, a large-scale invasion risks triggering a spiral of escalation that could lead to a multi-front war: Gaza in the south, Hezbollah in the north and explosive violence in the occupied West Bank. Other regional actors could be drawn in. Most unhelpfully, we hear right-wing forces in the United States – determined not to learn the lessons of Iraq and Afghanistan – continuing to press for escalation with Iran.
The United States is rightly working urgently to prevent and deter regional escalation. We strongly support those diplomatic and other efforts.
J Street has also urged Israeli authorities to do more to stop a brutal and reprehensible surge in settler and military violence against Palestinian civilians in the West Bank – including over 120 violent settler attacks and 28 children killed – which risk triggering further chaos.
This is the moment for the United States to make clear that it expects Israel to intercede to prevent settler attacks against civilians, to ensure that live ammunition is not used against civilian protesters and to ensure security forces do not participate in revenge attacks against civilians.
Plan for the day after
Third: As former Marine and current Congressman Seth Moulton wrote for CNN: “The lesson America quickly learned in Iraq and Afghanistan was that you have to have a plan for the day after.”
If the Israeli military “simply kill a lot of Hamas terrorists and leave Gaza a smoldering mess,” he wrote, “they’ll have the same problem they do today” – and may succeed only in radicalizing more terrorists. It’s a lesson we learned painfully with both the insurgency in Iraq that metastasized as ISIS and the Taliban in Afghanistan.
“Nobody wants to see five-year-old Palestinian kids killed in the crossfire with Hamas, especially if their deaths only recruit more terrorists,” Moulton wrote. “And nobody wants to see five-year-old Israeli kids dying, in the same forever war, 20 years from today.”
The United States – as Israel’s central security partner – can and must use our influence to guide Israel’s leaders toward sober judgments, to protect the safety and freedoms of Israelis and Palestinians and to chart a better course forward.
What is the alternative?
In the view of many experts, the short-term tactical goal for Israel’s military should be a focused, targeted counterterrorism operation aimed squarely at the Hamas leadership and fighters responsible for the October 7 attack. Such an operation would aim to incapacitate Hamas, bring the perpetrators to justice and minimize civilian and IDF casualties by limiting the scope of ground operations.
In the next few days, I will share further specific thoughts on what the President could do to articulate a vision for the future that is realistic, principled and strategic.
As Israel grapples with ongoing grief and trauma, hostages remain in captivity, Israeli soldiers prepare for a possible ground operation and those with loved ones in Gaza remain terrified for their safety, our shared pro-Israel, pro-peace, pro-democracy voice is more important than ever in shaping the United States’ response.
We’ll continue to support and listen to each other as we share perspectives and ideas, striving for grace and respect. We’ll continue working to support communities on the ground in Israel and our pro-peace, pro-democracy allies in the region.
And we’ll continue to bring expert voices, nuanced analysis and considered policy recommendations to leaders in Washington.
A better future is still possible. J Street will continue to dedicate ourselves to the hard work necessary to get there.
Please, don’t hesitate to respond with your thoughts or questions.
Yours,
Jeremy Ben-Ami
President, J Street
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Syria: no attractive propositions, so Biden is staying the course
Secretary of State Blinken at a press conference with the Israeli and UAE foreign ministers today said more about Syria than I remember since the beginning of the Biden Administration, in response to a question about normalization that other countries are indulging in:
…let me talk about Syria first and then come to the second part of the – the first part of the question second.
First, to put this in focus, these initial nine months of the administration we have been focused on a few things when it comes to Syria: Expanding humanitarian access for people who desperately need that assistance, and we had some success, as you know, with renewing the critical corridor in northwestern Syria to do that; sustaining the campaign that we have with the coalition against ISIS and al-Qaida in Syria; making clear our commitment, our ongoing commitment to demand accountability from the Assad regime and the preservation of basic international norms like promoting human rights and nonproliferation through the imposition of targeted sanctions; and sustaining local ceasefires, which are in place in different parts of the country. So this has been the focus of our action for these last nine months.
As we’re moving forward, in the time ahead, keeping violence down; increasing humanitarian assistance and focusing our military efforts on any terrorist groups that pose a threat to us or to our partners, with the intent and capacity to do that. These are going to be the critical areas of focus for us, and they’re also, I think, important to advancing a broader political settlement to the Syrian conflict consistent with UN Security Council Resolution 2254.
What we have not done and what we do not intend to do is to express any support for efforts to normalize relations or rehabilitate Mr. Assad, or lifted [sic] a single sanction on Syria or changed [sic] our position to oppose the reconstruction of Syria until there is irreversible progress toward a political solution, which we believe is necessary and vital.
https://www.state.gov/secretary-antony-j-blinken-and-israeli-alternate-prime-minister-and-foreign-minister-yair-lapid-and-united-arab-emirates-foreign-minister-sheikh-abdullah-bin-zayed-al-nahyan-at-a-joint-press-availab/
This is a restatement of well-established US priorities: humanitarian assistance, reduction in violence, counter-terrorism, and irreversible progress toward a political solution before reconstruction or normalization.
So nothing new. What’s missing? should always be the next question.
Tony fails to deal with the threat of a serious military clash between NATO ally Turkey and the Kurdish-led forces that are conducting the campaign against both terrorists and the regime in northeastern Syria, with American support. He is silent on concerns about Iran using Syrian territory to threaten Israel. Nor does he indicate that the United States opposes normalization by others, in particular Jordan and the UAE. And he is silent on brutality-laced Russian and Iranian support for the Syrian regime, which in due course may become capable of challenging the Kurdish presence in the northeast and the Turkish presence inside Syria’s northern border. So yes, continuity of a policy that is silent on important issues and has so far failed to produce substantial results.
Is there a better approach? We could certainly tighten sanctions so that jet-setting scions of the Syrian elite don’t roam Los Angeles in Ferraris, but that won’t change anything in Syria. We could help the Germans mount a “universal jurisdiction” case against President Assad himself, in absentia, but that would set a legal precedent that might boomerang on prominent Americans. We could try harder to mediate some sort of accommodation between the Syrian Kurds and Turkey, as we did once with a modicum of success between the Iraqi Kurds and Turkey. Or we could try to negotiate autonomous status for the Kurds within Syria in return for US withdrawal, though the regime would be no more likely than the Taliban to stick to the terms of a withdrawal agreement. The Kurds would likely revert to attacking inside Turkey as well as Turkish-controlled Syria in order to curry favor with Assad. It suits the Kurds and Turkey to have the Americans remain in Syria.
I won’t even bother with military options against the Russians or the regime. The Americans take some shots against the Iranians and their proxies in Syria, but they aren’t going to risk war with Russia or the civilian casualties that taking on the regime would entail.
So no, there are not a lot of attractive propositions in Syria. Especially after the botched withdrawal from Afghanistan, the Administration can ill afford a comparable mess in Syria, never mind an influx into the US of tens of thousands Syrian Kurds and Arabs who helped the US during the past decade and have legitimate claims to asylum. No wonder Biden is staying the course.
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