Tag: Israel
Peace Picks | August 31 – September 4, 2020
Notice: Due to recent public health concerns, upcoming events are only available via live stream.
The Implications of the Israel-UAE Deal | September 1, 2020 – September 2, 2020 | 11:00 AM – 12:15 PM EDT | Middle East Institute | Register Here
On August 13th, President Trump announced that Israel and the United Arab Emirates had agreed to “finalize a historical [sic] peace agreement” that would involve full normalization of relations between the two nations. Trump stated: “Not since the Israel-Jordan peace treaty was signed more than 25 years ago has so much progress been made towards peace in the Middle East.”
In this context, the Middle East Institute (MEI) and the Foundation for Middle East Peace (FMEP) invite you to join a two-part webinar series: The Implications of the Israel-UAE Deal. These two webinars, co-moderated by MEI’s Khaled Elgindy and FMEP’s Lara Friedman, will explore what the Israel-UAE does (and doesn’t) mean, the political context that led to its achievement, and its implications for the future.
Speakers:
Part 1: Israeli & Palestinian Perspectives
Khaled Elgindy (Moderator): Director, Program on Palestine & Palestinian-Israeli Affairs, Middle East Institute
Lara Friedman (Moderator): President, Foundation for Middle East Peace
Sam Bahour: Ramallah-Based Business Consultant, Applied Information Management
Marwa Fatafta: Policy Analyst, Al Shabaka
Elizabeth Tsurkov: Research Fellow, Forum for Regional Thinking
Part 2: U.S. Expert Perspectives
Khaled Elgindy (Moderator): Director, Program on Palestine & Palestinian-Israeli Affairs, Middle East Institute
Lara Friedman (Moderator): President, Foundation for Middle East Peace
Steven Cook: Eni Enrico Mattei Senior Fellow, Council on Foreign Relations
Annelle Sheline: Research Fellow, Quincy Institute
James Zogby: Director, Zogby Research Services
Japan After Abe: Legacy & Next Moves | September 1, 2020 | 4:00 – 5:00 PM EDT | Center for Strategic & International Studies | Register Here
On August 28, 2020, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe announced he would resign due to a recurring illness. Please join us for an online panel discussion where CSIS experts will assess his legacy across a range of policy areas including security, diplomacy, and economics, as well as Japan’s political and strategic trajectory.
Speakers:
John J. Hamre (Introduction): President & CEO, Langone Chair in American Leadership, Center for Strategic & International Studies
Michael J. Green (Moderator): Senior Vice President for Asia & Japan Chair, Center for Strategic & International Studies
Victor Cha: Senior Adviser & Korea Chair, Center for Strategic & International Studies
Matthew P. Goodman: Senior Vice President for Economics & Simon Chair in Political Economy, Center for Strategic & International Studies
Yuko Nakano: Associate Director, US-Japan Strategic Leadership Program, Japan Chair, Center for Strategic & International Studies
Nicholas Szechenyi: Senior Fellow & Deputy Director, Japan Chair, Center for Strategic & International Studies
Iran, Israel, and the Changing Geopolitics of the Middle East | September 3, 2020 | 10:00 – 11:00 AM EDT | Middle East Institute | Register Here
The defenders of President Donald Trump’s Iran policy maintain that the “maximum pressure” campaign is working. They argue that not only is an Iran under pressure less able to undermine the interests of the US and its allies in the Middle East, but that this strategy is resulting in new geopolitical realities. They point to the recent Israel-UAE agreement as evidence. Critics of the “maximum pressure” campaign disagree and claim there is little evidence that Washington has been able to reshape Iran’s regional ambitions. This panel will look at these topics and examine where Iran and Israel stand vis-à-vis each other and specifically consider ways the US and allies can seek to address Tehran’s rejection of Israel as a fellow UN member state.
Speakers:
Alex Vantanka (Moderator): Director, Iran Program, Middle East Institute
Mark Dubowitz: Chief Executive, Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Meir Javedanfar: Senior Research Fellow, Meir Ezri Center for Iran & Persian Gulf Studies
Ksenia Svetlova: Senior Research Analyst, Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policy
The Scramble for a Vaccine: Putin’s Sputnik V –– “Trust Me!” | September 2, 2020 | 2:00 – 3:00 PM EDT | Center for Strategic & International Studies | Register Here
Please join the CSIS Commission on Strengthening America’s Health Security on Wednesday, September 2, 2020 from 2:00 p.m. – 3:00 p.m. EDT for a discussion with Heather A. Conley, Senior Vice President and Director of the CSIS Europe Program; Judyth Twigg, Senior Associate with the CSIS Global Health Policy Center and Professor at Virginia Commonwealth University; and Vasily Vlassov, Professor and Senior Research Fellow at the National Research University Higher School of Economics. J. Stephen Morrison, Senior Vice President and Director of the CSIS Global Health Policy Center, will introduce and moderate the event discussion on Russia’s Sputnik V vaccine and its geo-strategic implications.
On August 11, Russia announced that it had approved the first Covid-19 vaccine for human use: Sputnik V. This announcement immediately stirred question and controversy within Russia and around the world, because the vaccine is unproven – it has not undergone large scale phase III clinical trials for safety and efficacy. Launching a vaccination campaign in Russia – and potentially elsewhere – without adequate safety and efficacy data could have global ramifications.
This event will feature a diverse panel of experts that will examine the implications of this announcement and what may lie ahead in the future. How might this play out within Russia – what resistance is Putin facing domestically, and what assets have been mobilized to support the campaign? Is there a success scenario for Putin? What might this mean for Russia’s distribution partnerships with other countries? What has the reception been in Europe, the United States, China, and at the World Health Organization? Does this development signal the degradation of international norms around vaccine development?
This discussion is part of a series of events hosted by the CSIS Commission on Strengthening America’s Health Security examining the global scramble for a Covid-19 vaccine. The first event, The Scramble for Vaccines and the COVAX Facility, focused on COVAX, a nascent international initiative to develop and equitably distribute Covid-19 vaccines to benefit all countries, rich and poor.
Speakers:
Vasily Vlassov: Professor & Senior Research Fellow, National Research University Higher School of Economics
J. Stephen Morrison: Senior Vice President & Director, Global Health Policy Center, Center for Strategic & International Studies
Heather A. Conley: Senior Vice President for Europe, Eurasia, and the Arctic & Director, Europe Program, Center for Strategic & International Studies
Judyth Twigg: Non-Resident Senior Associate, Russia and Eurasia Program & Global Health Policy Center, Center for Strategic & International Studies
Sanctions-Busting in the DRC | September 3, 2020 | 2:00 PM EDT | Atlantic Council | Register Here
The Sentry released a new report, “Overt Affairs,” documenting how two North Korean businessmen openly busted international sanctions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). International sanctions programs on North Korea focus heavily on disrupting access to the international financial system due to the danger that revenue generated overseas could ultimately be used to fund the country’s nuclear weapons program. Private and public sector institutions in the DRC should have stopped this activity in its tracks, and the fact that they did not is more than a simple lapse. These frailties not only put the DRC’s banking sector and broader economy in significant danger, but they can also have global implications by undermining the effectiveness of international sanctions programs and the integrity of the international financial system.
Please join the Atlantic Council’s Africa Center in partnership with The Sentry on Thursday, September 3, at 2:00 p.m. (EDT) for a virtual conversation on North Korean sanctions-busting in the DRC. The conversation will feature a panel with counter-proliferation finance analyst Ms. Darya Dolzikova and DRC expert Dr. Pierre Englebert, with moderation by Africa Center Director of Programs and Studies Ms. Bronwyn Bruton and an introduction to the report by The Sentry’s Senior Investigator Mr. John Dell’Osso. Additional speakers will be added to this page once confirmed.
Speakers:
John Dell’Osso (Introduction): Senior Investigator, The Sentry
Bronwyn Bruton (Moderator): Director of Programs & Studies, Africa Center, Atlantic Council
Darya Dolzikova: Research Analyst, Proliferation & Nuclear Policy Programme, Royal United Services Institute
Dr. Pierre Englebert: H. Russell Smith Professor of International Relations, Pomona College; Senior Fellow, Africa Center, Atlantic Council
The Violence Inside Us | September 3, 2020 | 2:00 – 3:00 PM EDT | Brookings Institution | Register Here
In many ways, the United States sets the pace for other nations to follow. Yet on the most important human concern—the need to keep ourselves and our loved ones safe from physical harm—America isn’t a leader. In his new book, “The Violence Inside Us: A Brief History of an Ongoing American Tragedy,” Senator Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) explores the origins of our violent impulses, the roots of our obsession with firearms, and the mythologies that prevent us from confronting our national crisis. Senator Murphy comes to the conclusion that while America’s relationship to violence is indeed unique, America is not inescapably violent. Even as he details the reasons we’ve tolerated so much bloodshed for so long, he explains that we have the power to change.
On September 3, Governance Studies at Brookings will host a webinar with David M. Rubenstein Fellow Rashawn Ray and Senator Murphy on his new book. The pair will discuss the history of violence in America and its long-term impacts, as well as the concrete steps that must be taken to change the nation’s narrative.
Speakers:
Rashawn Ray: David M. Rubenstein Fellow Rashawn Ray, Governance Studies, Brookings Institution
Hon. Chris Murphy: Senator (D-Conn.), United States Senate
Share this, I'll really appreciate it:
Stevenson’s army, August 20
The centenary of the 19th amendment is a good moment to reflect on the struggle for women’s suffrage. GZero has a great graphic. I liked to brag that my home state of Colorado gave women the right to vote in 1893, long before the 19th amendment and second only to Wyoming. But a few years ago I did some research and learned that the main reason the law was changed was to dilute the voting power of single miners. Right thing for the wrong reason.
The Air Force is even going to redesign its aircraft to allow more female pilots.
NYT doubts that a President Biden would be able to build bipartisan coalitions in Congress. I certainly favor bipartisanship in foreign policy and the “regular order” [like the NDAA] for major legislation. But maybe the hyperpartisanship is too strong. We can talk about this in class.
NYT says an intelligence community assessment in June disagreed with an earlier DHS intelligence report and concluded that low level officials in Wuhan withheld key coronavirus information from Beijing.
Politico says SecState Pompeo illegally sought military housing, though the army eventually provided lodging at Fort Myer.
NYT has more on F35 sale to UAE, including Netanyahu’s non-denial denial of the sales’ connection to the recognition deal.
I agree with Alice Hunt Friend’s article questioning the need for the SecDef to have military experience.
My SAIS colleague Charlie Stevenson distributes this almost daily news digest of foreign/defense/national security policy to “Stevenson’s army” via Googlegroups. I plan to republish here. To get Stevenson’s army by email, send a blank email (no subject or text in the body) to stevensons-army+subscribe@googlegroups.com. You’ll get an email confirming your join request. Click “Join This Group” and follow the instructions to join. Once you have joined, you can adjust your email delivery preferences (if you want every email or a digest of the emails).
Share this, I'll really appreciate it:
Stevenson’s army, August 18
– Bipartisan report from Senate Intelligence Committee details [966 pages!] Russian interference in 2016 elections. Here’s the document.
– Daily Beast says Trump secretly promised to sell F35s to UAE as part of agreement with Israel. Congress voted to block such sales in May, but Trump vetoed.
-WOTR details lots of foreign fighters in Sub-Saharan Africa.
– DHS official after 2 years under Trump details politicization of DHS.
-Is this an election year? Trump rejects proposed cuts in DOD health care.
– Future of JCPOA: Politico has explainer. FP says Europeans can keep agreement alive unti November.
My SAIS colleague Charlie Stevenson distributes this almost daily news digest of foreign/defense/national security policy to “Stevenson’s army” via Googlegroups. I plan to republish here. To get Stevenson’s army by email, send a blank email (no subject or text in the body) to stevensons-army+subscribe@googlegroups.com. You’ll get an email confirming your join request. Click “Join This Group” and follow the instructions to join. Once you have joined, you can adjust your email delivery preferences (if you want every email or a digest of the emails).
Share this, I'll really appreciate it:
Stevenson’s army, August 14
French navy goes to help Greece against Turkey.
Chinese navy near Taiwan.
US seizes ships with Iranian oil.
David Ignatius praises UAE-Israel agreement.
Slate has more background.
I recently read Robert Draper’s excellent book on the start of the Iraq war. Here’s the NYT review.
My SAIS colleague Charlie Stevenson distributes this almost daily news digest of foreign/defense/national security policy to “Stevenson’s army” via Googlegroups. I plan to republish here. To get Stevenson’s army by email, send a blank email (no subject or text in the body) to stevensons-army+subscribe@googlegroups.com. You’ll get an email confirming your join request. Click “Join This Group” and follow the instructions to join. Once you have joined, you can adjust your email delivery preferences (if you want every email or a digest of the emails).
Share this, I'll really appreciate it:
The Dating Game: Israel and the Gulf
In the last decade, the Gulf Arab states have grown steadily closer to Israel. Regional experts attribute this shift to changes in the strategic landscape, as well as shared antipathy toward Iran. Though collaboration was initially confined to the security sphere, it has expanded dramatically in recent years. On July 7, the Atlantic Council hosted an online event on this topic, entitled Israel’s Growing Ties with the Gulf Arab States. Speakers examined the potential for growth in the relationship, as well as some possible challenges. Their names and affiliations are listed below:
Dr. Gawdat Baghat: Professor of National Security Affairs, National Defense University
Jonathan H. Ferziger: Former Chief Political Reporter for Israeli & Palestinian Affairs, Bloomberg News
Ambassador Anne W. Patterson: Former Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs
Ambassador Marc J. Sievers: Non-Resident Senior Fellow, Atlantic Council
Why Israel?
After the 2003 invasion of Iraq, the local balance of power shifted. Once powerful regional actors Egypt, Iraq, and Syria stagnated or declined. In their place rose non-Arab states Iran, Turkey, and Israel. According to Baghat, the Arab Spring only made this shift more severe. After the Arab Spring, Gulf Arab states increasingly perceived Israel as a potential ally rather than an enemy. Israel was a wealthy state with an advanced economy, great civilian and military technology, and a common enemy. The Gulf Arab states eventually approached Israel out of a desire to collaborate on anti-Iran initiatives.
Baghat explains that many Arab leaders believe that “the road to Washington is paved through Jerusalem.” Opportunistic Gulf Arab states may have changed their tune on Israel to curry favor with the United States. Even so, it is highly unlikely that Israel’s proximity to the United States was the sole or even the most important reason for the establishment of these new relationships. Gulf-Israeli cooperation is more organic, genuine, and locally-driven than ever, argues Sievers.
Since the Gulf States began their engagement with Israel, the Palestine issue has been largely on the back burner. Ferziger remarked that the issue has been conveniently ignored.
Arab-Israeli Cooperation
At its outset, cooperation was confined to the security sphere. Today, however, cooperation is far more robust. Ferziger happily notes that the Gulf Arab states work closely with Israel on economic issues, medical research, and even religious initiatives.
Israel’s advanced economy and many start-ups make it an attractive partner for the oil-rich Gulf states. Indeed, Saudi and Emirati sovereign wealth funds frequently invest in Israeli companies. Moreover, many Arab companies have long-lasting relationships with their Israeli counterparts. Ferziger cites Dubai World Ports and ZIM Integrated Shipping Services as an example.
Further, COVID-19 provided a platform for more open commercial relations between the Gulf states and Israel. On July 3, Israel Aerospace Industries and the UAE’s Group 42 signed a collaboration agreement. The agreement outlined their commitment to jointly fighting COVID-19, focusing on medical research and security technology. This was a major step in Gulf-Israel relations. Though the UAE and Israel do not have formal diplomatic relations, Ferziger believes that this agreement could lead to formal partnerships in other fields.
Somewhat unexpectedly, Ferziger argues that religious ties have paved the way for improved relations between the Gulf and Israel. Dubai has an active Jewish community, and the UAE has commenced a number of interfaith initiatives. In Abu Dhabi, for example, the Higher Committee on Human Fraternity commissioned an interfaith complex. This complex, the Abrahamic Faith House, will house a mosque, church, and synagogue.
The above are merely three areas of collaboration between the Gulf states and Israel. They do not constitute an exhaustive list.
Potential Challenges
In Baghat’s eyes, one major flaw in the nature of the Gulf-Israel relationship is that it is elite-driven. Relationships exist at the governmental level, between members of Gulf royal families and Israeli leaders. This is particularly troublesome, Baghat argues, because it means that the relationship can be easily reversed. He believes that cultural exchange is essential to the growth and success of the Gulf-Israel relationship.
Patterson notes the generational divide among Gulf leaders. Rapprochement is championed by younger leaders like Mohammad Bin Salman. These younger leaders can be overruled by more established members of the ruling dynasty. The relationship may be less stable than it appears.
Other challenges to the Gulf-Israel relationship are more immediate. The speakers agreed that Israeli annexation on the West Bank could impact the growing relationship, though they remained divided on the extent of its impact. Ferziger, a Jerusalem-based journalist, minimized the prospect of annexation and, in so doing, implied that its effect would be limited. Conversely, Ambassadors Patterson and Sievers expressed serious concerns about West Bank annexation. If the Gulf Arab states were to passively accept Israeli annexation, they argued, relationships with Arab states like Jordan could be negatively impacted. Ultimately, this is all speculation; Israel has not yet annexed the West Bank, nor has it announced any concrete plans.
Here is the video of the event:
Share this, I'll really appreciate it:
The Palestinian State at Risk
On May 28, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced his intention to annex portions of the West Bank. Netanyahu’s announcement sparked intense debate about whether peace in the form of a two-state solution remains possible. In the eyes of many observers, annexation is the nail in the coffin of a dilapidated Oslo Process. On July 1, the proposed annexation date, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace hosted a livestream entitled The Way Forward for Palestine: A Conversation with Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh. The names and affiliations of all speakers are listed below. Since this event, Netanyahu has hesitated. No new annexation has yet occurred.
Mohammad Shtayyeh: Prime Minister, Palestinian National Authority
Marwan Muasher: Vice President for Studies, Carnegie Endowment
Aaron David Miller: Senior Fellow, Carnegie Endowment
Zaha Hassan: Visiting Fellow, Carnegie Endowment
The annexation plan was drafted by the Trump Administration and unveiled in January 2020. In brief, it sanctioned the Israeli annexation of up to 30% of the West Bank. The Trump-Netanyahu plan was not well received, and it triggered local, regional, and international objections. The Palestinian National Authority (PNA) firmly rejected annexation and vowed to end all cooperation with Israel. Jordan opposed annexation on the basis that it posed an existential threat to Jordanian security, and most other Arab states opposed it on moral grounds. The European Union (EU) warned that EU-Israel relations would be negatively impacted by annexation.
Implications of Annexation
The immediate consequences of annexation would be dramatic. According to Shtayyeh, annexation will hinder the PNA’s efforts to generate the infrastructure, socio-political institutions, and state capacity necessary for statehood. If the PNA is poorly equipped for self-government, the national liberation movement will fail.
Annexation also has the potential to derail the peace process. Shtayyeh argues that annexation “erodes the geographic base of the eventual Palestinian state.” If annexation occurs, Israel will control large swaths of territory claimed by Palestinians, and it will become difficult for Palestinians to win back control in future negotiations. In Muasher’s eyes, annexation poses an existential threat to the realization of a two-state solution; if anything, annexation pushes the conflict toward a so-called “one state reality,” in which Palestinians and Israelis do not enjoy equal protection under the law.
According to Shtayyeh, July 1 would not be the first instance of Israeli annexation. In his opinion, Israel has engaged in a “creeping annexation” of the Palestinian territories since 1967. Shtayyeh argues that settlement construction and land expropriation effectively constitute annexation.
The Future of Palestine
Shtayyeh is not hopeful about the prospect of peace with Israel in light of the planned annexation. In response to a question, he noted that the debate within Israel is no longer about whether to annex but how much and what to annex. Nevertheless, Shtayyeh resisted Muasher’s various attempts to get him to renege on his support for a two-state solution. He repeatedly affirmed the PNA’s commitment to a two-state solution.
The PNA’s goal is the establishment of a sovereign Palestinian state, with East Jerusalem as its capital and pre-1967 borders. To accomplish this, Shtayyeh believes that there must be incremental expansion of Palestinian sovereignty in the West Bank, until the vast majority of the territory is considered Area A and only “final status” issues remain.
Citing the history of failed negotiations and the United States’ long standing relationship with Israel, Shtayyeh argues that a new framework for negotiations is necessary. He and the PNA believe that the most appropriate course of action is multilateral negotiation, facilitated by the Quartet (European Union, United Nations, United States, Russia).
To watch the Carnegie Endowment’s livestream in full, click here.
RSS - Posts
