Tag: Lebanon

Let your people go!

Tonight is the Jewish festival of Passover, when we celebrate liberation.  Last year, I called this season the Passover of Arab liberation, but noted the difficulties Syria was facing.

This year we seem to be somewhere in the middle of the ten plagues, with Bashar al Assad not even beginning to think about letting his people go (and in fact inflicting the plagues, which is not something pharaoh did).  The mutual ceasefire deadline is set for April 12, provided Damascus pulls back from populated areas and ceases artillery fire on April 10.  In the meanwhile, Bashar seems to have intensified the military attacks in an effort to do as much deadly damage as possible to his opposition.  While I hope Kofi Annan’s effort is successful, you’d have to be Moses-like in inspiration to bet on it.

We should nevertheless consider the possibilities.  If by some fluke the Syrian army really does withdraw from some places, I hope the revolution will tuck away its guns and somehow demonstrate its overwhelming superiority in numbers.  It is particularly important that April 12/13 see a massive demonstration of opposition in Damascus and Aleppo, even if that means everyone just staying home in a general strike.  It will also be vital that the UN deploy observers quickly, and in far greater numbers than the couple of hundred currently contemplated.

It seems far more likely that Bashar will not  withdraw or cease fire.  What then?  There is really no sign of international will to intervene.  Despite ample documentation of artillery attacks on civilian targets as well as helicopter operations, neither the Turks nor the Arab League are preparing serious military action to enforce a no-fly zone or create humanitarian corridors or safe zones.  The Syrian security forces are busy mining the borders so that civilians can’t escape.  While it seems unlikely that Bashar can prevail 100%, he is well on his way to reducing the opposition to a low-intensity insurgency, with the bulk of the population sullenly resenting but accepting restoration of the dictatorship.  At least for a while, it is likely to be significantly more draconian than before the rebellion started.

This is a bad outcome, but I am afraid not the worst.  If the fighting continues to escalate and Bashar still survives, the consequences could be catastrophic for the region.  The violence might then overflow Syria’s borders and pose serious problems for Lebanon, Iraq, Jordan and maybe even Turkey. If Bashar manages to stay in place, it is vital that the Friends of Syria, that unwieldy conglomeration of more than 80 countries, maintain and tighten its efforts, in particular the sanctions and diplomatic isolation.  We see in Burma how strategic patience can win the day.

Many of my friends and colleagues are appalled that nothing more is being done.  I can’t describe myself as comfortable with this state of affairs.  But it is important to recognize that there are other priorities on earth.  The Administration’s first concern has to be Iran.  There is no way to get a negotiated solution to its nuclear challenge, or prevent the Israelis from using military means, unless the United States maintains a credible military threat.  Entering a war with an uncertain outcome in Syria would not be a smart prelude to dealing with Iran.  American resources, though large, are not infinite–we wouldn’t want to run out of cruise missiles or suffer serious aircraft losses in a second priority fight.

There is also a diplomatic factor.  The best way to mount a credible threat against Iran is with UN Security Council backing.  What are the odds of the Russians conceding that if we go to war with Syria without their cooperation?  The odds may not be good in any event, but we need at least a small chance for success.

So I am afraid our Syrian heroes will need to continue their efforts.  I still prefer they be nonviolent ones.  Nothing that has happened in the last few weeks of violent attacks convinces me that the Free Syria Army will shorten the reign of Bashar al Assad by as much as a single day.  It is far more likely that their attacks will frighten large numbers of people who might otherwise have joined nonviolent protests.

I’ll pray for the Syrians at Seder tonight, as I trust many Jews around the world will do.  Not because I think praying will do the Syrians any good, but because the parallel between today’s Syrians and our own liberation narrative should inform our sensibilities.  The people of Syria are seeking the freedom that Tunisians, Egyptians, Libyans and Yemenis have all started to enjoy, even if they are still at the beginning of their journeys through the wilderness.  I hope the Syrians catch up soon.

The most frequent injunction in the Old Testament is to treat a stranger like ourselves:

…you shall love him as yourself, for you were strangers in the land of Egypt… {Leviticus 19:33-34}

Bashar:  let your people go!

PS:  I missed this Monday, but you shouldn’t:

The Daily Show with Jon Stewart
Get More: Daily Show Full Episodes,Political Humor & Satire Blog,The Daily Show on Facebook

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Negotiation time

With all the jabber the last few days about the use of force against both Syria and Iran, media attention is not focused on the prospects for negotiated settlements.  But there are such prospects still, even if the odds are getting longer by the day.

Syria

International Crisis Group is out yesterday with a “now or never” manifesto rightly focused on prospects for UN/Arab League envoy Kofi Annan’s efforts:

Annan’s best hope lies in enlisting international and notably Russian support for a plan that:

  • comprises an early transfer of power that preserves the integrity of key state institutions;
  • ensures a gradual yet thorough overhaul of security services; and
  • puts in place a process of transitional justice and national reconciliation that reassures Syrian constituencies alarmed by the dual prospect of tumultuous change and violent score-settling.

Arming the Syrian opposition, which is happening already, is not likely to improve the prospects for a negotiated settlement along these lines.  To the contrary, Western contemplation of safe areas and humanitarian corridors, loose Arab talk about armed the Syria Free Army, the occasional Al Qaeda suicide bombing and a Russian blank check for the regime to crack down are combining to plunge Syria into chaos.  Someone may think that deprives Iran of an important ally, but it also spells lasting (as in decades-long) trouble in a part of the world where we can ill afford it.

The Americans have been mumbling about how arms will inevitably get to the Syrian opposition.  This is true enough.  But some visible support for Annan, and a behind the scenes diplomatic game with the Russians, would be more helpful to the cause of preventing Syria from becoming a chronic source of instability in Lebanon, Iraq, Turkey and Jordan.

Iran

Netanyahu came but this time did not conquer.  He needed President Obama to be forthcoming on an eventual military action against Iran as much as Obama needed him to refrain from aligning with Republican critics.  It fell to Senator Mitch McConnell to crystallize the emerging U.S. position:  if Iran enriches uranium to bomb grade (at or above 90%) or shows signs of having decided to build a nuclear weapon (design and ignition work), then the U.S. would respond with overwhelming force.  This is the proposed “red line.”

We should not be fooled by McConnell’s belligerent tone.  Even assuming very strict verification procedures, the line he proposes is a relatively expansive one that leaves Iran with enrichment technology and peaceful uses of atomic energy, which is what the Islamic Republic claims is its red line.

While the press was focused on belligerent statements, the P5+1 (US, UK, France, Russia, China + Germany) have apparently responded to Iran’s offer of renewed negotiations.  Iran has also told the International Atomic Energy Agency that it can visit a previously off-limits nuclear site believed to be engaged in weapons research, but procedures have not yet been worked out.

Bottom line

I wouldn’t get excited about the prospects for negotiated solutions in either Syria or Iran.  But if ever there was a time to negotiate, this is it.  By fall, both situations will likely be too far gone, with serious consequences for the United States, the Middle East and the rest of the world.

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More thunder, no lightning

The UN General Assembly today passed a resolution supporting the Arab League plan for Syria, which would have Bashar al Assad step aside from his presidency and turn over power to his vice president, who would form a broad coalition government and initiate a democratic transition.  The vote was 137 to 12, which is pretty lopsided even in the UNGA, where lopsided votes are common.

The opponents were:  Belarus, Bolivia, China, Cuba, DPRK, Ecuador, Iran, Nicaragua, Russia, Syria, Venezuela, Zimbabwe.  This is a crew that needs a name:  something like the antidemocrats, but snappier.

So what practical effect will this have?  Hard to say, but the legal effect is nil.  UNGA resolutions are like preseason football:  the games may be well played and show off talent, but they have no direct impact on the standings.  Only UN Security Council resolutions have legal effect.

But legal effect isn’t everything and doesn’t guarantee implementation either.  The important thing is that the “international community” has made an appropriate noise in response to Bashar al Assad’s military assault on Syria’s citizens.  This will weaken Bashar’s position both internationally and within Syria and give inspiration to his opponents, who will also bemoan international community ineffectiveness.

The real question is what should be done now.  Some will want to resort to military intervention or arming the Syrian Free Army.  This is a serious error in my book.  The worst outcome for the U.S. is a prolonged civil war in Syria, which could have a destabilizing impact on Lebanon, Iraq, Turkey and more widely.  “Safe areas” and “humanitarian corridors” would, in the absence of Syrian government cooperation, require major military intervention.

As Mona Yacoubian, Randa Slim and Aram Nerguizian were at pains to make clear this morning at a Stimson/Middle East Institute Event, there are diplomatic and political courses of action that still need to be played out:

  • The U.S. should lead on getting a “Friends of Syria” group up and running;
  • The Arab League and Turkey should lead on pressing the Syrian opposition to unify;
  • Sanctions implementation needs to be tightened, especially by the Arab League;
  • The U.S. and Turkey need to court Russian support, on grounds that their interests require a good relationship with whatever comes after Bashar;
  • The Syrian opposition has to work on peeling away Sunni and Christian merchant, as well as military, support for the regime.

As Randa Slim noted, what helps the regime is fear of instability on the one hand and Islamism on the other.  These fears would get worse with military intervention, not better.  We need more thunder, no lightning.

PS:  Somehow this “Dancing and chanting around an independence flag in Qudaysa, Damascus” tweeted by @LeShaque and retweeted by Robert Mackey grabs me this morning. It is a lot more expressive than the important, if dull, session of the UNGA yesterday and reminds us of what the resolution is really about:

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The limits of R2P

The Arab League, meeting today in Cairo, got it right:  it is not their human rights monitors who have failed, it is the Syrian government that has failed to fully implement its commitments to withdraw from cities, stop the violence and release prisoners.  More monitors are needed.  Their withdrawal would allow the regime to intensify its crackdown.

Unfortunately the League failed to ask the UN Security Council to weigh in, a potentially important step towards a resolution condemning the regime’s repression of the demonstrations.  It will be far more difficult for Russia to block such a resolution if the Arab League calls for it.

Is military intervention in the cards?  I don’t think so, and I think it is a mistake for anyone to encourage the demonstrators to think so.  One of their signs reportedly called for an alien invasion.  Syrians are desperate and don’t understand why there is so much international hesitation.

This is why:

  • Russian opposition to anything that might lead to a U.S. or NATO military strike against the Assad regime, which provides Moscow with an important naval base at Latakia.
  • Chinese opposition, which likely has more to do with not wanting a precedent for a military strike on Iran, a major oil supplier.
  • American interest in cutting back military commitments and nervousness about precipitating a civil war in Syria, where the opposition to the regime is still not strong and united.
  • European concerns of the same varieties, especially at a moment of great concern about budget deficits and the stability of the euro.
  • Anxiety in the region and elsewhere that military action could have unintended, negative consequences for Turkey, Israel, Iraq and Lebanon.

So, yes, of course we need a Security Council resolution that denounces the violence and calls on the regime to implement fully the Arab League agreement.  It would be good if it also called for deployment of UN human rights monitors, either alongside or within the Arab League contingent.  But it won’t be backed up with the threat of force.

Some will complain that responsibility to protect (R2P), the UN doctrine under which the NATO led the intervention in Libya, requires military action against the Assad regime.  But responsibility to protect is a principle that applies in the first instance to the authorities of the state in which rights are being abused.  How quickly, even whether, it leads to outside international intervention depends on the particular circumstances, which are not favorable in the Syrian case.

 

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Best freebie next week

Game Changer: Policy and Politics  

For a New Middle East

  The Grand Hyatt Hotel 

1000 H Street NW

Washington, DC 20001

Thursday, November 17, 2011

8:45am-5:30pm     

Tickets: FREE. Register HERE.

Conference Schedule

8:45am-9:00am – Opening remarks

Ambassador (ret.) Wendy Chamberlin, Middle East Institute President

9:00am-10:30am – After the Arab Spring: Assessing US Policy in the Middle East

Steve Clemons, New America Foundation, The Atlantic

Ambassador (ret.) Daniel Kurtzer, Princeton University

Ambassador (ret.) Ron Schlicher, Former US Department of State

Tamara Cofman Wittes, Deputy Assist. Secretary of State-NEA

10:45am-12:15pm – The Road Ahead for Emerging Arab Democracies

Esraa Abdel Fattah, Egyptian Democratic Academy

Michele Dunne, Atlantic Council

Larry Diamond, Stanford University

Radwan Masmoudi, Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy

2:15pm-3:45 pm – Shifting Regional Power Dynamics in an Era of Change

Abdelkhaleq Abdalla, UAE University

Jamal Khashoggi, Al-Arab TV
Haim Malka, Center for Strategic and International Studies

Mohsen Milani, South Florida University

Paul Salem, Carnegie Middle East Center

4:00pm-5:30pm- Economic and Development Strategies for a Middle East in Transition

Adel Abdellatif, UN Development Programme

Odeh Aburdene, OAI Advisors

Iman Bibars, Ashoka/MENA

Ambassador William B. Taylor, US Department of State

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Game changer

Politics and Policy in the New Middle East:  that’s what they are calling the Middle East Institute 2011 Annual Conference at the Grand Hyatt, 1000 H Street:

Wednesday, Nov. 16th

6:00pm:  Kickoff Banquet:  Keynote by Bill Burns, DepSecState; awardees Lakhdar Brahimi and Esraa Abdel Fattah

Thursday, Nov. 17th

Conference

8:45 – 9:00am: Opening Remarks: Ambassador Wendy Chamberlin, President MEI

9:00-10:30am: After the Arab Spring: Assessing US Policy In the Middle East

10:45am-12:15pm: The Road Ahead for Emerging Arab Democracies

12:30-2:10pm: Keynote Luncheon:  Samih al-Abed and Yossi Beilin

2:15-3:45pm: Shifting Regional Power Dynamics in an Era of Change

4:00-5:30pm: Economic and Development Strategies for a Middle East in Transition

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