Tag: Pakistan

This week’s peace picks

Though Americans are focused on domestic politics, there are interesting events this week dealing with a variety of national and international issues.

1. U.S. Public Opinion Toward Arabs and Islam:  How “The Video Incident” May Affect U.S.-Muslim Relations, Monday October 8, 10:30 PM – 12:00 PM, Brookings Institution

Venue:  Brookings Institution, 1775 Massachusetts Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20036, Falk Auditorium

Speakers:  Tamara Cofman Wittes, William A. Galston, Hisham Melhem, Shibley Telhami

A provocatively offensive film and violent demonstrations protesting it have once again roiled the relationships between Americans, Arabs and Muslims. In both the United States and the volatile transition states of North Africa, popular reactions have been swift, severe and complicated by domestic politics. But beyond the partisan scorekeeping and the loudly raised voices, how have these recent events changed the way the American public views Arab and Muslim communities? Within the emerging democratic Arab states, how has the furor over the video altered the public debate regarding freedom of speech, civil liberties and other constitutional rights? Finally, how are these issues examined within the context of religious expression, pluralism and tolerance—values that are central to American identity?

On October 8, the Saban Center for Middle East Policy and the Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World at Brookings will host a discussion on these questions and unveil a new University of Maryland public opinion poll examining attitudes just days after violence erupted in Libya and elsewhere in the Middle East. The poll, conducted by Nonresident Senior Fellow Shibley Telhami, gauges American public attitudes toward Arabs and Muslims and toward U.S. foreign policy in the region. Panelists include Brookings Senior Fellow William A. Galston, the Ezra K. Zilkha chair in Governance Studies; Hisham Melhem, Washington bureau chief of Al Arabiya News; and Telhami, principal investigator of the poll and the Anwar Sadat chair for Peace and Development at the University of Maryland. Senior Fellow Tamara Cofman Wittes, director of the Saban Center for Middle East Policy, will moderate the discussion.

Participants can follow the conversation on Twitter using hashtag #USArabViews. After the program, panelists will take audience questions.

Register for this event here.

 

2. Is There a Political Solution to the Afghan Conflict?, Tuesday October 9, 12:00 PM – 1:30 PM, SEIU Building

Venue:  SEIU Building, 1800 Massachusetts Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20036

Speaker: Omar Samad, Shamila Chaudhary, Arif Rafiq, Marvin Weinbaum

With the military involvement of the U.S. and its NATO allies winding down in Afghanistan, there have been stepped up efforts to explore the possibility of reaching reconciliation with the insurgency. Some officials and independent observers have cited positive signs of interest on the part of the Taliban in a power-sharing arrangement. Others have questioned the Taliban leadership’s interest in pursuing a settlement or if the objective conditions exist for concluding an agreement. At stake is whether Afghanistan will be faced after 2014 with continued fighting that tests the mettle of its security forces in what could become a brutal civil war, or can be stabilized with a political solution that is inclusive and satisfies the country’s various ideological and ethnic groups.

Register for this event here.

 

3. Counterinsurgency in Afghanistan, Tuesday October 9, 2:00 PM – 3:00 PM, American Security Project

Venue:  American Security Project, 1100 New York Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20005, Suite 710W

Speakers:  Matt Freear, Nick Lockwood, David H. Young, Joshua Foust

Join us for a fact-based discussion with leading experts on counterinsurgency.  As the war in Afghanistan comes to a close, the US strategy is focusing on the transition to Afghan security responsibility. We will discuss how the transition is proceeding, how counterinsurgency has evolved and what to expect from the local Afghan security forces.

RSVP for this event to events@americansecurityproject.org.

 

4. America’s Other Army: The U.S. Foreign Service and 21st Century Diplomacy, Tuesday October 9, 6:00 PM – 7:00 PM, CSIS

Venue: CSIS, 1800 K Street NW, Washington, DC 20006, B1 Conference Room

Speakers:  Nicholas Kralev

Kralev has been given unprecedented access to the inner sanctum of American diplomacy in Washington and around the world. Also the author of Decoding Air Travel: A Guide to Saving on Airfaire and Flying in Luxury, Kralev will be speaking on his latest work- America’s Other Army. He will share behind-the-scenes insights on how the work of American diplomats affects the daily lives of millions of people around the world, and examine whether the Foreign Service is equipped to address the challenges of the 21st century.

Register for this event here.

 

5. Youth Bulge, Public Policy, and Prospects for Peace in Pakistan, Wednesday October 10, 9:00 AM – 5:00 PM, USIP

Venue:  USIP, 2301 Constitution Avenue NW, Washington, DC

Speaker: Abiodun Williams, Moeed Yusuf, Edward Rhodes, Mehtab S. Karim, Nasim Zehra, Saleem Ranjha, Eric Manes, Mohsin Khan, Philip Auerswald, Ammar Anees Malik, Asad Majid Khan, Andrew Wilder, Ifran Malik, Kalsoom Lakhani, Shamila Chaudhary, Peter Stearns, M Nizamuddin, Jack Goldstone

Pakistan has been in the limelight since the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. While there has been plenty of it, the debate and policy analyses on the country have focused on the immediate concerns linked to extremism and terrorism. Yet, questions about the long term economic, political, and social health remain just as critical and will ultimately determine whether Pakistan stabilizes as a medium sized, stable, and moderate country or presents itself as a ticking time bomb that is a constant source of worry for the world. No other agent of change will be more relevant in this regard that the country’s bloated youth cohort.

It is surprising that for all the talk about Pakistan’s importance, very little is said or written about its upcoming generation. This is despite the fact that over 110 million of the 180-odd million Pakistanis today are under the age of 29 of whom over 50 million are classified as youth between ages 15-29. Their political preferences, their role in national development, and the avenues for Pakistan to accrue the demographic dividend are hardly understood. Given that this segment of Pakistani society will ultimately determine the country’s destiny, with its attendant impact on internal and regional peace and security, this is an obvious void that needs to be filled.

The School of Public Policy at George Mason University (GMU) and the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) are jointly organizing a one-day conference focusing on the Pakistani youth, public policy options, and the prospects for peace in the long run. The conference will feature a group of leading experts, including young Pakistanis and Pakistani-Americans who will discuss the role of Pakistani youth in national development, the role of education in youth development, outlook of young Pakistani Americans towards Pakistan, and how all of these factors can contribute to peace.

 

6. Arab Transitions to What?, Wednesday October 10, 12:00 PM – 2:00 PM, Elliott School of International Affairs

Venue:  Elliott School of International Affairs, 1957 E Street NW, Washington, DC 20052, Lindner Family Commons

Speakers:  Eva Bellin, Tamara Wittes, Daniel Brumberg, Marc Lynch

Three leading political scientists will discuss the political transitions in the Arab World since the region’s uprisings.  A light lunch will be served.

Register for this event here.

 

7. Countering Radical Narratives through Cooperation with Pakistani Civil Society, Wednesday October 10, 2:00 PM – 3:30 PM, Heritage Foundation

Venue:  Heritage Foundation, 214 Massachusetts Avenue NE, Washington, DC 20002, Lehrman Auditorium

Speakers:  Hedieh Mirahmadi, Mehreen Farooq, Knox Thames, Lisa Curtis

Rising extremism in Pakistan has drawn attention to the need for engagement with moderate Muslim networks and civil society organizations that can effectively counter radical narratives and decrease the pool of recruits for militant organizations. In Pakistan’s Civil Society: Alternative Channels to Countering Violent Extremism, the World Organization for Resource Development and Education (WORDE) argues that over the last decade, U.S. policymakers have focused most of their attention on engaging with government, military, and intelligence establishments, to the exclusion of civil society actors.

Calling for renewed engagement between the United States and Pakistan’s vibrant civil society, the report offers a comprehensive study based on in-depth fieldwork in 35 cities and villages across Pakistan and interviews with over 100 civil society activists, former militants, jirga members, and religious scholars. The report concludes that traditional Muslim networks buffer the rise of extremist activity and offers suggestions how U.S. policymakers and the Pakistani American community can help rebuild U.S.-Pakistan relations by actively supporting these networks.

Join us for a launch of this groundbreaking report by two of the report’s authors as well as commentary by a leading expert on religious freedom issues in Pakistan.

Register for this event here.

 

8. Democratic Crisis in Sri Lanka:  The Threat to Rule of Law in South Asia’s Oldest Democracy, Wednesday October 10, 2:00 PM – 3:30 PM, East-West Center

Venue:  East-West Center in Washington, 1819 L Street NW, Washington, DC, Sixth Floor Conference Room

Speakers:  Saliya Pieris

The defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam by the Sri Lankan government, ending thirty years of war, has resulted in relative peace after decades of terrorism, violence, and destruction. However Sri Lanka’s years of civil war, coupled with systematic attacks on its democratic institutions by successive governments, has placed what was once one of Asia’s model democracies at risk; jeopardizing the rule of law, the independence of the judiciary and the freedom of its people. These developments have not gone unnoticed. In March 2012 the United States successfully introduced a resolution at the United Nations Human Rights Council expressing its concerns about the situation—a move which was strongly criticized within Sri Lanka.

In this seminar, Saliya Pieris will seek to explain how developments in Sri Lanka, beginning with the executive Presidential Constitution in 1978 and tracing through the war with Tamil militant groups and its after-effects, have contributed toward the serious rule of law challenges faced by the country today. Among these challenges are the issues of enforced disappearances, arbitrary arrests and detentions, suppression of the opposition, and the breakdown of national institutions such as the legislature, the judiciary and the free media. Mr. Pieris will discuss the role that can be played by the government and the people of Sri Lanka, and the international community, including the United States and India, to reverse this threat and establish strong rule of law in Sri Lanka.

Register for this event here.

 

9. Model, Resource or Outlier?  Does it Matter? – What Effect Has the U.S. Constitution Had on the Recently-Adopted Constitutions of Other Nations?, Thursday October 11, 12:00 PM – 1:30 PM, Heritage Foundation

Venue:  Heritage Foundation, 214 Massachusetts Avenue NE, Washington, DC 20002, Lehrman Auditorium

Speakers:  Istvan Stumpf, Jeremy Rabkin, Ron Rotunda, Emilia Versteeg, Edwin Meese III

The United States Constitution, the world’s oldest written design of government, was a novel political development in the 18th Century. No nation previously had adopted a written instrument to create and limit its national government. But it has been more than 200 years since our Constitution (and the Bill of Rights) came into being. Numerous other nations have adopted their own written organic political instruments since then. Have those nations looked to the U.S. Constitution as a model or a resource for their own constitutions, or has the U.S. Constitution become an outlier in the world? If the latter, what does that say about the structure and substance of our Constitution and how it is considered in the international community?

Register for this event here.

 

10. The Politics of Identity in Tajikistan, Thursday October 11, 3:00 PM – 5:00 PM, Rethink Institute

Venue:  Rethink Institute, 750 First Street NE, Washington, DC 20002, Suite 1125

Speaker:  Nuriddin T. Shamsov, Marlene Laruelle, Vladimir Fedorenko, Bayram Balci

In the aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union, Tajikistan faced enormous challenges while trying to forge a new Tajik identity. It inherited dysfunctional and obsolete political and economic institutions that were not suited to deal with new challenges of a multiethnic society, religious extremism, and civil disorder. Tajikistan’s current identity issues and social cleavages are the very products of this difficult transformational era. So, what does it mean to a be a Tajik national nowadays? This panel aims to address this question and shed light into identity-building process in Tajikistan.

Register for this event here.

 

11. Arab Youth:  A Look at the Future, Thursday October 11, 4:30 PM – 6:00 PM, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Venue:  Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1779 Massachusetts Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20036

Speaker: Dalia Mogahed, Marina Ottaway, Rami Khouri, Vivian Lopez

Young people between the ages of fifteen and twenty-four represent nearly one-fifth of the population of the Middle East and North Africa. This group has played a central role in shaking up the old order, and while so far they have not been able to shape the policies of the new regimes, it remains key to the outcome of transitions in the region. A Generation on the Move, a study cosponsored by The Issam Fares institute at the American University in Beirut and UNICEF, offers important insights on the aspirations and problems of Arab youth. The study includes polling data that reveals further information about this demographic.

Register for this event here.

 

13. The Ayatollah’s Nuclear Gamble:  the Human Cost of Military Strikes against Iran’s Nuclear Facilities, Friday October 12, 1:00 PM – 3:00 PM, Atlantic Council

VenueAtlantic Council, 1101 15th Street NW, Washington, DC 20005, 11th Floor

Speakers:  Khosrow B. Semnani, Barbara Slavin, Haleh Esfandiari

Khosrow Semnani will present the findings of his new report, “The Ayatollah’s Nuclear Gamble,” which offers a detailed, scientific discussion of the human and environmental consequences of a military strike on Iranian nuclear facilities. The report and the discussion will highlight a largely overlooked issue in the intensifying public debate in the United States over the wisdom of using military force to try to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons.

Register for this event here.

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This week’s peace picks

There are good choices this week including the kickoff presidential debate.

1. How Should the Next American President Engage the World?, Monday October 1, 6:30 PM – 8:00 PM, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Venue:  Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1779 Massachusetts Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20036

Speaker:  David Rothkopf, Jessica Tuchman Matthews, Thomas Friedman, John Ikenberry, Robert Kagan

Foreign Policy’s David Rothkopf will moderate a debate with Thomas Friedman, John Ikenberry, Robert Kagan, and Jessica T. Mathews. This debate, the second in a three-part series sponsored by the Carnegie Endowment, will focus on one of the key issues in this year’s election—How should the next American president engage the world?

Register for this event here.

 

2. Building Inclusive Societies:  Transatlantic Perspectives on Multiculturalism and Integration, Tuesday October 2, 8:30 AM – 12:30 PM, Johns Hopkins SAIS

Venue:  Johns Hopkins SAIS, The Nitze Building, 1740 Massachusetts Avenue NW, Washington DC, 20036, Kenney Auditorium

Speakers:  Francois Rivasseau, Rokhaya Diallo, Kubra Gumusay, Nasar Meer, Michael Privot, Emmanuel Kattan, Sonya Aziz, Eduardo Lopez Busquets, Justin Gest

Emerging European and American experts from the spheres of academia, policy making and the media will discuss their experiences and perspectives on this critical issue, including what Europe and the U.S. can learn from each other’s models of multiculturalism and integration. They will consider the challenges that both sides face in reducing anti-immigrant sentiment and improving levels of civic engagement among youth, particularly within emerging demographic groups.

RSVP for this event to Delegation-USA-EU-Events@eeas.europa.eu.

 

3. Women After the Arab Awakening, Tuesday October 2, 8:45 AM – 1:00 PM, Wilson Center

Venue:  Woodrow Wilson Center, 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20004, Fifth Floor

Speakers:  Dalia Ziada, Omezzine Khélifa, Rihab Elhaj, Fahmia Al Fotih, Hala Al Dosari, Honey Al Sayed, Gabool Almutawakel, Hanin Ghaddar, Yassmine ElSayed Hani, Haleh Esfandiari, Rangita de Silva de Alwis

9:00 – 11:00am  PANEL 1: Today’s View from the Ground; Dalia Ziada – Egypt, Executive Director, Ibn Khaldun Center for Development Studies; Omezzine Khélifa – Tunisia, Politician and Advisor, Ministry of Tourism; Rihab Elhaj – Libya, Co-founder and Executive Director, New Libya Foundation; Fahmia Al Fotih – Yemen, Communication analyst and youth focal point analyst, United Nations Population Fund; Hala Al Dosari – Saudi Arabia, Ph.D. candidate in health services research; Moderator: Haleh Esfandiari, Director, Middle East Program, Woodrow Wilson Center

11:15 – 1:00pm PANEL 2: Tomorrow’s Prospects for Women in the Region; Honey Al Sayed – Syria, Director, Syria Program, Nonviolence International; Gabool Almutawakel – Yemen, Co-Founder, Youth Leadership Development Foundation; Hanin Ghaddar – Lebanon, Managing Editor, NOW News; Yassmine ElSayed Hani – Egypt, Independent Journalist, Foreign Desk, Al Akhbar daily newspaper; Moderator: Rangita de Silva de Alwis, Director, Global Women’s Leadership Initiative, Woodrow Wilson Center

 

4. The Missing Link:  How Can the Pakistani Diaspora Improve U.S.-Pakistan Ties?, Tuesday October 2, 11:00 AM – 12:30 PM, Wilson Center

Venue:  Woodrow Wilson Center, 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20004, Sixth Floor

Speaker: Irfan Malik, Aakif Ahmad

According to research produced by the Asian American Center for Advancing Justice, Pakistani-Americans are the second-fastest-growing Asian-American ethnic group. They are represented in a variety of professional fields, from medicine and accounting to construction and transport, and are known for their affluence and philanthropy. How can they help improve U.S.-Pakistan relations? What can they offer, and how can their resources and expertise be better tapped? This briefing marks the release of a series of recommendations, formulated by a working group of diaspora members convened by the Wilson Center.

 

5. Iraq Energy Outlook, Wednesday October 3, 9:30 AM – 11:00 AM, CSIS

Venue:  CSIS, 1800 K Street NW, Washington DC, 20006, B1 Conference Room

Speakers:  Fatih Birol

The CSIS Energy and National Security Program is pleased to host Dr. Fatih Birol, Chief Economist and Director of Global Energy Economics at the IEA, to present highlights from the IEA’s recent World Energy Outlook Special Report, the Iraq Energy Outlook.

Iraq is already the world’s third-largest oil exporter. It has the resources and intention to increase its oil production vastly. Contracts are already in place.Will Iraq’s ambitions be realised? And what would the implications be for Iraq’s economy and for world oil markets? The obstacles are formidable: political, logistical, legal, regulatory, financial, lack of security and sufficient skilled labour. One example: in 2011, grid electricity could meet only 55% of demand.

The International Energy Agency has studied these issues with the support and close co-operation of the government of Iraq and many other leading officials, commentators, industry representatives and international experts.  The report examines the role of the energy sector in the Iraqi economy today and in the future, assesses oil and gas revenues and investment needs, provides a detailed analysis of oil, gas and electricity supply through to 2035, highlighting the challenges of infrastructure development and water availability, and spells out the associated opportunities and risks, both for world oil markets and for Iraq’s economy and energy sector.

RSVP for this event to energy@csis.org.

 

6. Iran:  Economic Troubles and International Sanctions, Wednesday October 3, 12:00 PM – 1:30 PM, Wilson Center

Venue:  Woodrow Wilson Center, 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20004, Fifth Floor

Speakers:  Bijan Khajehpour, Djavad Salehi-Isfahani, Suzanne Maloney

By talking about such complexities (existence of a large grey economy, regional interdependencies, deep-rooted merchant tradition, existence of semi-state economic institution etc.), the speakers will address the issue why sanctions do not have the intended result in Iran. Lunch will be served.

Register for this event here.

 

7. Post-Referendum South Sudan:  Political Violence, New Sudan and Democratic Nation-Building, Wednesday October 3, 12:30 PM – 2:00 PM, Johns Hopkins SAIS

Venue:  Johns Hopkins SAIS, The Bernstein-Offit Building, 1717 Massachusetts Avenue NW, Washington, DC, 20036, Room 736

Speaker: Christopher Zambakari

Christopher Zambakari, doctoral student in the Law and Policy Program at Northeastern University, will discuss this topic.

RSVP for this event to itolber1@jhu.edu.

 

8. Breeding the Phoenix:  An Analysis of the Military’s Role in Peacebuilding, Wednesday October 3, 2:00 PM – 4:00 PM, George Mason University

Venue:  George Mason University, Arlington Campus, Truland Building, 3301 Fairfax Drive, Arlington, VA 22201, Room 555

Speaker:  George F. Oliver, Ho Won Jeong, Solon Simmons, Dennis Sandole

There are numerous professional groups and individuals working for world peace. The reality is, however, that wars between nations or within nations still cause untold human deaths and casualties. World peace, a condition where war no longer affects human societies, is a long way off. This research focuses on how to end wars and restore a sustainable, positive peace to those who have experienced the horrors of war.

More specifically, this study focuses on the military’s role in peacebuilding. In the last twenty years, post-war peacebuilding has emerged as a powerful method that helps nations recover from war. Soldiers, whether they are part of an international intervention attempting to end the war or a member of a United Nations peacekeeping mission, have an important role to play. Today, soldiers do more than win their nation’s wars; they also help other nations and their citizens recover from war. In the last few decades, civilians from organizations like the United Nations, other intergovernmental organizations, other governments and nongovernmental organizations have responded to help nations recover from war or a violent conflict. There is no argument that civilians are better at peacebuilding than the military, yet the military is moving into this realm more and more.

So what are the roles of the military and civilians? This research project answers these questions. The critical factor in determining what the military does and what civilians do is based on security. If security is good, civilians can perform all the aspects of peacebuilding. Conversely, if security is lacking, then the military must step in and take on the various parts of peacebuilding. Security, however, is not like a light switch, on or off, good or bad. It is more like a rheostat with varying degrees of security. This research defines five levels of security and then seeks to find the fine lines where civilians can replace the military in peacebuilding functions.

Current peacebuilding ideas have evolved from practice, but behind that practice are some relevant conflict and conflict resolution theories. These theories are explored and ideas for future peacebuilders are identified. Analysis of real world peacebuilding has led to the creation of various functions that help peacebuilders restore a society after a war. These functional areas are: security, humanitarian assistance, governance, rule of law, infrastructure restoration, economic development and reconciliation. Who performs each of these functional areas is directly related to the security conditions.

This research uses both quantitative and qualitative methods to explore how security impacts the role of the military in peacebuilding. Qualitatively, two case studies are explored, post-World War II Germany and Kosovo. Quantitatively, this research explored the issue through a questionnaire that was taken by 579 soldiers, civilians and experts in peacebuilding. In the end, the hypothesis was proven that the military’s role in peacebuilding is inversely linked to the level of security. If security is sufficient, civilians do the work; and if security is deficient, then the military’s role is larger.

 

9. Aiding the Arab Transitions:  US Economic Engagement with Egypt, Wednesday October 3, 2:00 PM – 3:30 PM, Stimson Center

Venue:  Stimson Center, 1111 19th Street NW, Washington, DC 20036, Twelfth Floor

Speakers:  Caroline Atkinson, Amb. William Taylor, James Harmon, Mona Yacoubian

With the Middle East still reeling from a spate of anti-American violence, US relations with Egypt, perhaps the most important Arab country in transition, hang in the balance.  Just prior to the outbreak of unrest in Cairo, the largest American trade delegation ever to the Middle East completed its historic visit to Egypt.  The trade group’s trip came on the heels of a senior US delegation to Cairo to negotiate a $1 billion debt relief deal.  In addition, the US government has assembled a package of financing and loan guarantees for American investors and recently established a $60 million US-Egypt Enterprise Fund.   With persistent unemployment, low economic growth and anemic foreign investment, the Egyptian economy is struggling as Egypt attempts to meet the challenges of its historic transition.  Meanwhile, the recent unrest has spurred calls inside the United States to withdraw its economic support from countries such as Egypt.

A distinguished panel will discuss the role of US economic engagement with Egypt, how this engagement fits into a broader US strategy on the Arab transitions, and the role US economic engagement can play in ensuring a more positive future for Egypt.

Register for this event here.

 

10. Afghanistan and the Politics of Regional Economic Integration in Central and South Asia, Wednesday October 3, 5:30 PM – 7:00 PM, Johns Hopkins SAIS

Venue:  Johns Hopkins SAIS, The Rome Building, 1619 Massachusetts Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20036, Rome Building Auditorium

Speakers:  Jawed Ludin

Jawed Ludin, deputy foreign minister of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, will discuss this topic.  A reception will precede the event at 5:00 PM.

RSVP for this event to saiscaciforums@jhu.edu.

 

11. Syria After Assad:  Managing the Challenges of Transition, Thursday October 4, 9:30 AM – 11:30 AM, USIP

Venue:  USIP, 2301 Constitution Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20037

Speakers:  Steven Heydemann, Jim Marshall, Amr al-Azm, Afra Jalabi, Murhaf Jouejati, Rafif Jouejati, Rami Nakhla

The Syrian revolution has taken a terrible toll.  Tens of thousands of Syrians have been killed and hundreds of thousands wounded.  Millions have been forced from their homes.  Urban centers have been destroyed, villages bombed, and communities subjected to horrific brutality at the hands of regime forces and Assad’s loyalist militias. The fabric of Syrian society is fraying under the pressure of escalating sectarian tensions.  The militarization of the revolution and the proliferation of armed opposition units pose long term challenges for rule of law and security. Damage to infrastructure and to the Syrian economy will require tens of billions of dollars to repair.

How much longer the Assad regime will survive is uncertain. When it falls, a new government will face daunting challenges. How will the Syrian opposition respond? Will a new government be able to address the urgent needs of Syrians for humanitarian relief, economic and social reconstruction, and provide basic rule of law and security? Even today, in liberated areas of Syria where a post-Assad transition is already underway, the opposition must demonstrate its capacity to address these challenges.

Over the past year, a group of opposition activists collaborated to develop recommendations and strategies for managing the challenges of a post-Assad transition.  Join us for the first presentation in the United States of the document they produced: “The Day After: Supporting a Democratic Transition in Syria.”

Register for this event here.

 

12. U.S.-Egyptian Relations: Where is the Bilateral Relationship Headed?, Thursday October 4, 12:00 PM – 1:00 PM, Center for National Policy

Venue:  Center for National Policy, One Massachusetts Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20001, Suite 333

Speakers:  Perry Cammack, Stephen McInerney, Shibley Telhami, Gregory Aftandilian

The slow and initial tepid response of the new Egyptian leadership to the attack on the U.S. embassy in Cairo has led many observers to question the efficacy of the U.S.-Egyptian bilateral relationship and caused some members of Congress to advocate for a cut in U.S. assistance. On the other hand, both Egyptian and U.S. officials have indicated that they want the bilateral relationship to be maintained, as each side has equities it wants to protect. Please join CNP Senior Fellow for the Middle East, Gregory Aftandilian, and a panel of experts to analyze this situation and give their assessments on where the bilateral relationship is headed. A light lunch will be served.

Register for this event here.

 

13. Systematic Approaches to Conflict Mapping, Friday October 5, 10:00 AM – 1:00 PM, George Mason University

Venue:  George Mason University, Arlington Campus, Truland Building, 3301 Fairfax Drive, Arlington, VA 22201, Rome 555

Speakers:  Sara Cobb, Alison Castel

Conflict-affected societies are complex adaptive environments that often present peacebuilders and policy makers with difficult or “wicked problems.” One movement in the field is to take more holistic or integrated approaches to working with societal conflict.

Systems mapping of conflicts is one tool that is being used to enable peacebuilders to grapple effectively with the complexity these environments present. Dr. Robert Ricigliano will introduce participants to the technique of systems mapping of conflicts as a tool for assessment and planning for peacebuilding operations.

 

14. Paul Collier – “Making Natural Resources Work for Development,” Friday October 5, 12:15 PM – 2:00 PM, Johns Hopkins SAIS

Venue:  Johns Hopkins SAIS, The Nitze Building, 1740 Massachusetts Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20036, Kenney Auditorium

Speakers:  Paul Collier

Professor Collier has been the Director of the Research Development Department of the World Bank for 5 years from 1998 to 2003. His research covers fragile states, democratization, and the management of natural-resources in low-income societies.  Professor Collier is the author of The Bottom Billion, which in 2008 won the Lionel Gelber, Arthur Ross and Corine Prizes and in May 2009 was the joint winner of the Estoril Global Issues Distinguished Book Prize.  His second book, Wars, Guns and Votes: Democracy in Dangerous Places was published in March 2009; and his latest book, The Plundered Planet: How to Reconcile Prosperity with Nature, in May 2010.  He is currently advisor to the Strategy and Policy Department of the International Monetary Fund, and advisor to the Africa Region of the World Bank. In 2008, he was appointed Commander of the Order of the British Empire (CBE) ‘for services to scholarship and development’. In 2011 he was elected to the Council of the Royal Economic Society.

Register for this event here.

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An eloquent day

The day has overflowed with high-minded eloquence:  Obama at the General Assembly and the Clinton Global Initiative (CGI) and Romney at the CGI  All solid, well-thought-through presentations.  Obama focused on universal values and aspirations at the UNGA, then on human trafficking at the CGI. Romney focused on improving the way in which we provide assistance internationally.

I can’t really fault much of what either said.  I agree with Obama that the violence we’ve seen in the past two weeks is inexcusable, that the video precipitating the demonstrations that killed American diplomats as well as dozens of Muslims is reprehensible, that our values nevertheless prevent it from being suppressed and also require an end to human trafficking.  I also agree with his support for the Arab awakening and in particular for an end to Bashar al Assad’s reign of terror in Syria.  I agree with Romney that we need to reshape foreign assistance so that it creates conditions for private initiative and growth, which too often it does not.

The real significance is, as usual, in what they did not say.  Obama offered no new ideas or action on Syria.  He did not mention North Korea and touched only once on Pakistan.  I imagine Pyongyang got off easy because there are growing signs of economic reform there, and less bellicosity.  It is hard to say anything nice about the People’s Republic, so better not to say anything.  That’s more or less the case with reprobate Pakistan as well:  the billions poured into its coffers seem to have bought neither economic development nor friendship.  I’d like to see Romney’s approach to foreign aid applied in Pakistan.  It is unlikely to be less fruitful than what we’ve done in the past, under both Democratic and Republican administrations.

There was no easing of the President’s rhetoric or substantive position on the Iranian nuclear program.  He rules out containment and makes it clear the United States will do what is necessary to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.  Romney may doubt his credibility, but I don’t.  I think the United States is sliding inexorably towards being locked into military action against Iran if diplomacy fails, which it well might.  Both political parties have staked out strong positions that will push any president in the direction of war if Iran moves definitively to build a nuclear weapon.  That is a very good reason to make the diplomatic push as strong as possible, since war with Iran is not going to be a simple matter.

As for Romney, he may have a grand new vision of American foreign assistance, but little or no financing for it if Paul Ryan’s budget plans come to fruition.  Unlike his grand critique of Obama, Romney’s aid ideas are well-crafted.  Too bad none of it would be likely to happen if he were to become president.  If Obama is smart–and there is every indication he is that–he’ll poach a bit from the Romney ideas in his second term.  It won’t be plagiarism–these are ideas floating around already and in part adopted over the past four years.  But Obama could and should be a lot bolder in demanding from aid recipients the kinds of serious reform that Romney alludes to.

So there is little new ground broken in today’s eloquence, but a good deal to suggest that a bipartisan foreign policy is not so far out of reach, even in our highly polarized times.  That would be refreshing.

 

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Obama’s second term international priorities

I admit to being cheered last weekend looking at the TPM Electoral Scoreboard.  It has President Obama over the 270 electoral votes needed to win, counting only the states that strongly favor, favor or lean in his direction.  All the toss-up states save North Carolina are showing thin margins in favor of the President. Key Senate races in Massachusetts, Wisconsin and Virginia are likewise showing small margins for the Democratic contenders.  It is still a long time (and three nationally televised debates) to election day, but the drift for the moment is clear.

The President is also getting over 50 per cent approval for his handling of foreign policy.  Far be it from me to want to rain on his parade, but I think he should do more and better on international issues in the future.

The President hasn’t had much to say about what he would do on foreign policy in a second term, apart from completing the U.S. turnover of security responsibility to the Afghans (as well as withdrawing more troops) and preventing Iran from getting a nuclear weapon, preferably by diplomatic means but if necessary using force.  He hasn’t said much on the Middle East peace process (such as it isn’t), maintained silence on Iraqi Prime Minister Maliki’s re-concentration of power, showed reluctance to do anything about Syria, hesitated to challenge China, and lacks new ideas on Pakistan and Russia.

I don’t say all this is wrong.  Hesitation with China definitely beats Romney’s bellicosity, which will create the animosity we need to avoid.  China has already revalued its currency significantly, something the President might want to take more credit for.  It is not at all clear to me what he can do about Pakistan or Russia at this point.  Maybe let them stew in its own juices for a while, until they soften up.  The choices in Syria are difficult ones.  Doing anything more will have real costs.

America needs, as the President never fails to say, to put its own house in order.  Nation-building at home he calls it.  But I would still like to know what his foreign policy priorities will be in 2013-17.  The fact that Mitt Romney has failed to force Obama to specify more clearly his future foreign policy priorities is just one of the many shortcomings in a Republican campaign that will be remembered for its many unforced errors and lapses in good judgment.

But there are a few things even a convinced Obamista like me would like to see the President do or say.  With no need to worry about re-election after November 6, I hope he’ll get tough with both Israelis and Palestinians.  Admittedly he tried during the first term, insisting on a complete settlement freeze.  But this was an ill-conceived formulation that led to intransigence on both sides rather than progress.  The situation in Syria has deteriorated so badly that it may be worth another run in the Security Council at a no-fly zone.  Once the Americans are down to whatever minimum numbers are required in Afghanistan, I hope Obama will find ways to toughen his stance with Pakistan.  Iraq, too, needs a bit tougher love.

But none of these things comes close to the big one:  avoiding a nuclear Iran and the proliferation of nuclear weapons it will precipitate. This is the overwhelming first priority, as it threatens a shift in the balance of power in the Middle East and a sharp increase in the risks of war, even nuclear war, there.  Israel lacks the means to do serious and permanent damage to Iran’s nuclear program with conventional weapons, but it has all it needs to obliterate Iran with nuclear weapons.

If we fail to prevent Iran from getting nuclear weapons, the prospects are grim.  What do you think Israel is likely to do if it perceives that Iran is getting ready to launch a nuclear weapon targeted on Tel Aviv?  Will it wait and see whether the Iranians are, as many people think, “rational actors”?  Or will it try to ensure that none of Iran’s missiles will ever get to launch?  Launch on warning, which is what the Israelis will most likely do, is inherently unstable.

Lots of my colleagues are having second looks at containment, because the prospects for conventional military action against the Iranian nuclear program look so limited.  Admittedly, containment is the fallback position.

But containment with two convincing rational actors who have the better part of an hour to make decisions, the best conceivable communications with each other and no serious threat to regime survival other than a single adversary is one thing.  Containment with two actors who each believe the other is irrational (both could even be right), one of whom has less than full confidence in regime survivability even without a war, maybe 10 minutes to make decisions, and no reliable communications is something else.  Yes, India and Pakistan have survived almost 15 years without using nuclear weapons on each other, and the increasing trade between the two creates disincentives to war.  But a nuclear exchange between the two is still far more likely than war between the U.S. and the Soviet Union.  And we are a long way from trade between Iran and Israel as a barrier to conflict.

Andrew Sullivan, in a fit of hopefulness, comments:

To date, Obama’s response has been like Reagan’s: provide unprecedented military defense systems for Israel, deploy our best technology against Iran, inflict crippling sanctions, and yet stay prepared, as Reagan did, to deal with the first signs of sanity from Tehran. Could Obama find an Iranian Gorbachev? Unlikely. But no one expected the Soviet Union to collapse as Reagan went into his second campaign either, and it had not experienced a mass revolt in his first term, as Iran did in Obama’s. And yet by isolation, patience, allied unity, and then compromise, the unthinkable happened. I cannot say I am optimistic—but who saw the fall of the Berlin Wall in October 1984?

Hope however is not a policy.  What should Obama do to try to resolve the Iran nuclear issue in a second term?

The Administration has been understandably reluctant to put a serious package of incentives for Iran to forgo a nuclear weapon on the table before the U.S. election.   Negotiating a deal with Iran is not going to help on November 6.  But I hope after November 6 the Administration will make a direct and convincing offer to Tehran:  temporary suspension of enrichment, a full accounting of past activities, tight and unfettered safeguards, no enrichment ever above 20%, no stockpiles of enriched uranium in a form that can be further enriched, and a permanent commitment not to seek nuclear weapons in exchange for full sanctions relief.  That would be a policy, not a hope.

 

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This week’s peace picks

It’s a busy week, with lots of variety:

1. Pulling Pakistan out of Economic Crisis, Monday September 24, 11:00 AM – 12:30 PM, Woodrow Wilson Center

Venue:  Woodrow Wilson Center, 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20004, Sixth Floor

Speakers:  Shahid Javed Burki, Parvez Hasan, Eric Manes, Aisha Pasha

This event marks the release of a new study on Pakistan’s economy. It is produced by Beaconhouse National University’s Institute of Public Policy, based in Lahore, Pakistan.

 

2. Russian-Iranian Relations:  Implications for U.S. Policy, Monday September 24, 12:00 PM – 1:00 PM, Woodrow Wilson Center

Venue:  Woodrow Wilson Center, 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20004, Sixth Floor

Speaker:  Mark N. Katz

Moscow does not want to see Tehran acquire nuclear weapons. Despite this, Russia has been reluctant to cooperate much with the U.S. in preventing this. In his talk, Mark N. Katz, Professor of Government and Politics, George Mason University, and former Title VIII-Supported Research and Short-Term Scholar, Kennan Institute, will discuss why this is.

 

3. The Myanmar Conference @ CSIS, Tuesday September 15, 8:00 AM – 4:00 PM, CSIS

Venue:  CSIS, 1800 K Street NW, Washington DC, 20006, B1 conference facility

Speakers:  Jim Webb, Kurt Campbell, Christopher Johnson, David Steinberg, Salai Ngun Cung Lian, Tin Maung Maung Than, Ernie Bower, Serge Pun, David Dapice, Shigehiro Tanaska, Elizabeth Hernandez, Mathew Goodman, Stephen Groff, Christopher Herink, Thomas Dillon, Gregory Beck, Murray Hiebert, Michael Green

The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) will host a select and high-level group of experts and senior policy makers for The Myanmar Conference @ CSIS, to be held September 25, 2012, at the CSIS B1 conference facility. We have recruited a world-class group of experts to kick off the on-the-record dialogue around four key themes:

i. Political and Security Developments in Myanmar
ii. Trade, Investment, and Infrastructure
iii. Humanitarian Situation and Foreign Assistance
iv. Conclusions: Recommendations for U.S. Policy toward Myanmar

The conference is being organized around the time of the visits of Myanmar President Thein Sein and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi to the United States in late September. There is great interest to explore the implications for U.S. policy in the wake of the political and economic reforms in Myanmar and the recent easing of U.S. sanctions ahead of the U.S. presidential and congressional elections in November.

Register for this event here.

 

4. Ambassador Cameron Munter on Pakistan, Tuesday September 25, 9:00 AM – 10:30 AM, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Venue:  Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1779 Massachusetts Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20036

Speaker: Cameron Munter

In one of his first public event since returning from Islamabad, Ambassador Cameron Munter will deliver an address on the challenges and opportunities ahead in Pakistan. Frederic Grare will moderate.

Register for this event here.

 

5. Campaign 2012: Arab Awakening, Tuesday September 25, 10:00 AM – 11:30 AM, Brookings Institution

Venue:  Brookings Institution, 1775 Massachusetts Avenue NW, Washington DC, 20036, Falk Auditorium

Speakers:  Benjamin Wittes, Stephanie Gaskell, Raj M. Desai, Shadi Hamid, Tamara Cofman Wittes

Following the attack on the U.S. consulate in Benghazi and the death of U.S. Ambassador to Libya Chris Stevens, the United States is weighing its position and policies in the post-Arab Spring Middle East. More than a year after the initial Arab uprisings, the United States is questioning the state of its relations with the nascent Arab democracies and the emerging Islamist regimes. As the second anniversary of the Arab revolutions approaches, political and economic instability persists alongside growing anti-American sentiment, forcing the United States to adapt its policies to the evolving landscape in the Middle East. With the U.S. election just over six weeks away, many American voters are questioning the presidential candidates’ foreign policy strategies toward the region and wondering how the volatility in the Middle East and North Africa will affect the United States in the months and years ahead.

On September 25, the Campaign 2012 project at Brookings will hold a discussion on the Arab Awakening, the tenth in a series of forums that will identify and address the 12 most critical issues facing the next president. POLITICO Pro defense reporter Stephanie Gaskell will moderate a panel discussion where Brookings experts Tamara Cofman Wittes, Shadi Hamid and Raj Desai will present recommendations to the next president.

Register for this event here.

 

6. Georgia on the Eve of Parliamentary Elections, Tuesday September 25, 12:15 PM – 2:00 PM, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Venue:  Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1779 Massachusetts Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20036, Carnegie Conference Center

Speakers:  Thomas de Waal, Mamuka Tsereteli, Cory Welt

On October 1, Georgia votes in a parliamentary election which is set to be its most important and closely-watched contest since the Rose Revolution of 2003. The election is also a shadow leadership election, and its outcome will determine who becomes the leader of the country when a new constitution takes effect next year, as the second term of current president Mikheil Saakashvili ends.

The governing party, the United National Movement, is facing a strong challenge from the recently formed opposition Georgian Dream coalition, led by Bidzina Ivanishvili. The political temperature is high as both sides are predicting victory and exchanging claims and counter-claims about the conduct of the election.

Register for this event here.

 

7. 2012 African Economic Outlook Report, Wednesday September 26, 9:30 AM – 11:00 AM, Atlantic Council

Venue:  Atlantic Council, 1101 15th Street NW, Washington, DC 20005, 11th Floor

Speakers:  Todd Moss, Mthuli Ncube, Mwangi Kimenyi, John Simon, J. Peter Pham

The Atlantic Council’s Michael S. Ansari Africa Center and the Africa Growth Initiative at the Brookings Institution are pleased to invite you to a panel discussion on the findings of the 2012 African Economic Outlook (AEO) report.  The AEO is a collaborative effort of the African Development Bank, the Development Centre of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, the United Nations Development Program, and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa.  The annual report surveys and analyzes the economic performance of fifty-three African countries, including, for the first time, Eritrea and newly independent South Sudan.

This year’s report focuses on a critical area of the continent’s socio-economic development: youth unemployment and education. Youth unemployment has been a persistent problem for a majority of African countries and a formidable obstacle to economic growth and stability. Youth dissatisfaction played a major role in the escalation of political unrest in North Africa in the past year, which resulted in a significant decrease in economic growth in the region.  Given Africa’s rapidly growing population, the demographic pressure on labor markets in African countries will continue to increase. If African countries commit to education and skills training, however, Africa’s youth bulge could become a significant competitive advantage in a rapidly aging world.

Mthuli Ncube, chief economist and vice president of the African Development Bank, will provide brief remarks on the reports’ findings and broader implications for Africa’s future, followed by a panel discussion. Panelists will discuss the many unpredictable factors threatening the continent’s economic growth offer brief remarks and policy recommendations for African nations before opening the floor to a question and answer session.

RSVP for this event to achuck@acus.org.

 

8. Will the Monarchs Reform?  Challenges to Democracy in the Gulf, Wednesday September 26, 12:00 PM – 2:00 PM, Project on Middle East Democracy at SEIU

Venue:  SEIU, 1800 Massachusetts Ave NW, Washington, DC 20036, First Floor Conference Room

Speakers:  Maryam al-Khawaja, Les Campbell, Kristin Diwan, Stephen McInerney

While 2011 and 2012 have witnessed unprecedented changes across the Middle East and North Africa, the Arab states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) – Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman, and the United Arab Emirates – have not been shaken to the same degree, with the notable exception of Bahrain.  Nonetheless, the dramatic uprisings across the region have had a clear impact on both the populations and governments of the Gulf, and it is worth examining political developments and the state of human rights in these countries.

How have the uprisings and political changes in other Arab countries been perceived by both the governments and citizens of the GCC? What steps have been taken by these governments to prevent similar changes from happening in their own countries, and how have these steps been received both domestically and internationally? What, if any, steps toward democratic reform have been taken, and what future actions might we expect from Gulf governments with regard to reform? How have the GCC governments changed their approach toward their citizens, civil society organizations, media outlets, and labor unions? How have the dramatic political changes in the region affected relations between the U.S. and the governments and people of the Gulf? And how can the U.S. and other international actors engage with the Gulf in a manner that helps its citizens realize their democratic aspirations?

Register for this event here.

 

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It’s not only Libya

A lot of people seem to be surprised that Libyans have taken up the cudgels against the Benghazi militias thought to have attacked the U.S. consulate there, killing the American ambassador and three of his colleagues.  Readers of peacefare.net will not be so surprised, as I’ve repeatedly described the situation there as evolving in a positive direction, with a lot of appreciation for what the United States and NATO did to defeat Muammar Qaddafi.  I wrote to friends Thursday just before the news of the uprising against the militias broke:

I’ve been there (in both Benghazi and Tripoli) twice in the last year.  I certainly have never had a warmer reception as an American in an Arab country.  Most Libyans, especially Benghazis, understand perfectly well that the U.S. and NATO saved them from Qaddafi.  And they appreciate it.  I drove repeatedly through demonstrations in Benghazi during the election period–there was zero hostility to Westerners.  Ditto at the polling places.  And ditto last September right after Qaddafi fled Tripoli, when I enjoyed a great Friday evening celebration in Martyr’s (Green) Square.

The Libyan transition has been going reasonably well, on a time schedule they themselves have set, with resources that are overwhelmingly their own.  Yes, the militias are a problem, but they are also part of a temporary solution.  There would be no order in Libya today without them.  They guarded all the polling stations during the elections and eventually reestablished control over the consulate compound after the attack.

We’ll have to wait for the incident report to know, but I would bet on the attack having been a planned one (contra Susan Rice) by armed extremists associated with opposition to the elections and possibly with secession of Barqa (Cyrenaica)….The Libyan [political science professor] Chris Stevens met with the morning he was killed gave me an account of these small extremist groups, mainly headquartered in Derna, the evening after the elections [in July 7].  The state has, however, lacked the organization and force necessary to mop them up, which might in fact be a difficult operation.  They are wise not to try until they know they can succeed.

They will now have to do it.  We should be helping them where they need help.

It would be a mistake to take the uprising against the extremist militias as the final word.  There is likely to be retaliation.  What has happened so far is not law and order.  It is more lynch mob, though no one seems to have been killed. We should not take much satisfaction from retribution.  What is needed is justice, which requires a serious investigation, a fair trial and an appropriate punishment.

Also needed are reliable, unified and disciplined security forces:  police, army, intelligence services.  This is one of the most difficult tasks in any post-war, post-dictatorship society.  Demobilization of the militias really is not possible until the new security institutions are able to start absorbing at least some of their cadres. Reform of security services and reintegration of former fighters are two sides of the same coin:  establishing the state’s monopoly on the legitimate use of force.

It is astounding that the United States, after 20 years of demand from weak and failing states in the Balkans, Middle East and South Asia, still lacks adequate institutional means to assist in establishing foreign security forces that behave properly towards their citizens.  We are especially weak on police, whose training and equipping is largely contracted to private companies that hire individuals who have never previously worked together and may have dramatically different ideas about what a proper police force does.  The Americans are also weak in assisting interior ministries, since we don’t use them ourselves.  I have little idea what we do assisting foreign intelligence services, since the effort is classified and has attracted little journalistic or academic attention.  We have some significant experience and capacity to help with military services and defense ministries, but we could use a good deal more.

Police of course are not much use unless you’ve got courts and prisons to process the accused, along with judges, prosecutors, defense attorneys and prison guards.  Not to mention laws, implementing regulations, legal education, bar associations and the ineffable but important “culture of law.”  Installing a modern system for rule of law is a 10 or 20 year project.

The Libyans are facing a  challenge similar to what we have seen in Bosnia, Kosovo, Serbia, Macedonia, Albania, Iraq, Afghanistan, Palestine, Haiti, South Sudan and likely several more places I’ve omitted.  There are pressing rule of law challenges in Tunisia, Egypt and Yemen as well as obvious needs in Bahrain, Algeria, Jordan, Pakistan, Nepal, and Burma (Myanmar).  When will we recognize that we need a permanent capacity to respond comprehensively and appropriately?

 

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