Tag: United States
Retreat from Afghanistan
The United States has decided to retreat from Afghanistan, promising a complete withdrawal within 14 months if the Taliban keep their commitments, including to not allowing international terrorists to operate from territory they control. The agreement was signed Saturday in Doha.
This is a necessary, even if less than glorious, end to US participation in a war that has gone on far too long. Eighteen years after toppling the Taliban regime in the aftermath of 9/11, the diminishing returns are insufficient to keep the US committed, especially in an election year. America and its NATO allies are leaving the field to the Afghan government and its opponents, which will now be expected to negotiate a political settlement, after a major prisoner exchange.
Everything now depends on the intra-Afghan political settlement. Negotiations on this agreement are supposed to start on March 10. Will it protect the human rights many Afghans have come to enjoy? Will women be forced out of politics and girls out of school? Will minorities suffer as they did under the previous Taliban regime? Will the margins of freedom of speech and religion shrink? Will politics continue in the semi-democratic direction they have taken for two decades, or will a religious autocracy be restored, especially in the countryside from which it has never entirely disappeared.
There can be no doubting President Ashraf Ghani’s commitment to maintaining what he can of liberal, modern Afghanistan. But he will need to compromise with a potent insurgency that backs Taliban political demands. Few think the Taliban can overrun or seize Kabul, but they can certainly displace the Afghan security forces in many provinces and bring enormous pressure to bear on the capital once the Americans are gone. After the Soviets left, their guy lasted three years in power, but he eventually ended up tortured and hung from a “traffic control box.” I imagine Ghani, who literally wrote the book (or at least a very good book) on statebuilding, will not wait around for that to happen.
Are all the Americans really leaving? I doubt it. I suspect Washington has insisted on some remaining, covert presence for counter-terrorism forces. The Taliban, though religious extremists like Al Qaeda and the Islamic State, unlike them do not have ambitions beyond Afghanistan. All three jihadist forces compete for the same political space inside Afghanistan, so it is not completely unreasonable to think the Taliban might secretly welcome the Americans doing their dirty work for them by killing their jihadi competitors.
Only time will tell whether the peace agreement with the Taliban will hold and some sort of political settlement among the Afghans will emerge. The Taliban have good reason to keep the peace during the American withdrawal, which is supposed to slow if they don’t. But they have little incentive to compromise with Ghani once the Americans are gone, unless the Afghan security forces do much better in fighting them than has so far been the case. US and UN sanctions on the Taliban are supposed to come off early in the process.
With this agreement, President Trump gets some bragging rights on foreign policy that he has lacked. Nothing else he has tried has worked: there is no nuclear or missile agreement with North Korea, Iran is not returning to the negotiating table despite “maximum pressure,” Venezuela is still in the hands of President Maduro, only Israel has welcomed the Middle East “deal of the century,” and the trade war with China has failed to produce progress on the main issues, even if a mutual but partial stand-down of tariffs has attenuated some of its worst impacts on Trump’s farming supporters. Trump needs this Afghanistan agreement more than the Taliban and gave up a lot to get it.
For the sake of the Afghans, let’s hope it holds.
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Paranoids have enemies
President Trump has embarked on a purge to rid the government of his real and imagined enemies, and even lukewarm supporters. National Security Council staff and members of the intelligence community are the current targets, but other agencies won’t be far behind. The State and Justice Departments have already been partly purged, not to mention the Environmental Protection Agency, the Interior Department, and others I may not have noticed.
The paranoia is at least partly justified. No one who has sworn to uphold the US Constitution can behold what Donald Trump is doing to it and not wonder whether loyalty is merited. Lots of things raise doubts:
- the many “acting” officials unconfirmed by the Senate,
- the appointment to lifetime judgeships of unqualified lawyers,
- the naming of grossly unqualified ambassadors to key posts,
- the second guessing of highly qualified prosecutors and intelligence analysts,
- the mixing of his family’s personal business with government responsibilities,
- the imposition of racist immigration policies,
- the failure to protect the November election from Russian interference, and
- the use of his private lawyer to seek dirt on political opponents using US aid as leverage.
The vast majority of US government employees will vote against Trump. For Trump, that is sufficient evidence of their disloyalty. He relishes the notion that the entire government bureaucracy is against him. Paranoia justifies his ignoring it, diminishing it, and circumventing it.
But let’s face it: there are surely a few US government employees, among the several million, who will take risks to bring him down, because they believe he is violating his oath of office and the law. The whistleblower who complained about his “perfect” phone call with Ukrainian President Zelensky is one. Former Ambassador to Kiev Yovanovitch is another, as is former “acting” ambassador Bill Taylor. Each put a career on the line to tell the truth about what they had seen and heard.
Let’s hope there are a few dozen more. There should be several in the Secret Service who can tell more tales about Trump’s billing for hotel rooms at his resorts. There will be a few at the State Department who can blow the whistle on excessive expenditures during his trip to India this week, not to mention his past trips abroad. Trump’s efforts to get his friends out of prison are surely not limited to his tweets about Roger Stone. Where are the judges and prosecutors who can tell us about other initiatives? We know the military was diverting flights so that crews could stay at one of Trump’s resorts in Scotland. What has happened with accountability for that, and how many other instances are still outstanding?
The less than nine months remaining before the November 3 election should be chock-a-block full of revelations, not only from inside the US government. Deutsche Bank’s romance with the failed Donald Trump is a rich vein, only partly mined so far. I hope the courts will finally order him to turn over his tax returns to the House of Representatives. The tales of Trump stiffing small contractors, while told repeatedly, bear more repetition, if only because they come from the same demographic that provides much of Trump’s base. We need an all-out effort to reveal the full dimensions of the scandal that is the Trump Administration. Even paranoids have enemies, who need to speak up and be counted.
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A non-election
Iran’s majles (parliament) elections are tomorrow. They are not free or fair, despite the extraordinary number of candidates, since the Guardian Council gets to determine who runs. It has nixed something like 60% of the candidates, most of them relative moderates or reformists. Even those prevented from running are people loyal to the Islamic Republic. None are revolutionaries, only reformers. Serious opponents of the regime are more likely to be found in the streets and in their own homes.
The outcome of the election is pre-determined: unlike 2016, conservatives will be in the majority. Supreme Leader Khamenei has been anxious to avoid another de facto vote against him, so he has stacked the deck. Any presence of reformers in the new majles will be a defeat for him. Turnout will be more interesting to watch than results. It can be hard to fake. It was around 60% the last time around. If it comes in under 50% or so, it should be interpreted as a vote of no-confidence.
It would be a mistake however to conclude even then that the regime is necessarily about to crumble, collapse, or crack. There is no sign of dissent in the security forces, who have been amply deployed to clamp down on any election-day disturbances. Protests have adopted anti-regime slogans, but they remain mostly focused on economic issues, made severe in part by US re-imposition of sanctions.
That and the US withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) have hardened the regime significantly. The conservatives who argued that the US couldn’t be trusted to implement the nuclear deal have been proven correct. Khamenei has tried to rally Iranians around a flag of resistance. The US assassination of Qasem Soleimani has made that easier. There has been no serious difficulty restricting the candidates. The Supreme Leader will emerge from these elections with a far more compliant and conservative majles, and good prospects for conservatives in next year’s presidential election. For details on the personalities and geography involved, see this primer.
It is beyond me how this hardening of the Iranian regime serves US interests. It incentivizes Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons, for which financing will always be available. Even a collapse of the regime would pose enormous difficulties for Washington, as Iran is a multiethnic state whose Kurds, Arabs, Azeris, Balochis and others would likely seek at least the self-governance they have been denied in the Islamic Republic, if not outright independence or union with neighboring states. Iran is a country of more than 80 million people. The results could be catastrophic.
It’s a non-election, but there should be no joy in that.
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Bottom of the barrel
Richard Grenell, Ambassador to Germany and impresario of the recent Belgrade/Pristina agreements that are expected to open air and train service between the two cities, is pulling up stakes. He is headed back to Washington to be Director of National Intelligence, the leader if not the boss of 17 US intelligence agencies with a budget of $50 billion. He will also be the principal intelligence advisor to the President.
This is extraordinary. A gay Evangelical and white nationalist, he is a “communications” (i.e. PR) guy with no intelligence experience who has accumulated a dismal record for offending Berlin. The ink on his Pristina/Belgrade agreements isn’t even dry. I won’t be surprised if they evaporate before effective implementation. Grenell pushed himself into the Balkans not to fix anything but rather in a blatant effort to catch the President’s eye by delivering some sort of international triumph. As soon as he had even a glint of that, off he goes to bigger and better things.
A lot bigger and better. President Trump has been unhappy with the intelligence community because it concluded that Russia interfered with the 2016 election and will do it again if not stopped. Trump has also been anxious to get evidence of Ukrainian interference in the election and dirt on former Vice President Biden and his son from Ukraine, efforts that resulted in impeachment. Had the intelligence community delivered what he wanted in Ukraine, Trump would not have needed Rudy Giuliani’s help.
The DNI job has been in “acting” hands since August. It is being reported that Grenell will also be acting. That avoids Senate confirmation, which could be difficult for Grenell. He was confirmed as Ambassador to Germany by a dismal vote of only 56-42. Acting status also gives the President stronger leverage over appointees. We can expect Grenell to toady 100% to Trump’s whims, helping him to parry intelligence community judgments that differ from the President’s predilections. This appointment–like Barr at Justice, Pompeo at State, and O’Brien at the National Security Council–is intended to solidify political control over key government agencies and ensure that they toe Trump’s erratic lines, no matter how far they stray from reality.
I suppose there have been more harmful appointments in this Administration, but this one is destined to be high on that scale. Grenell is a spinmeister, not a truth teller. The intelligence community will find itself in not only incompetent but ill-meaning hands. This would be the bottom of the barrel, if the barrel had a bottom.
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Normalizing impunity
President Trump has launched an all-out assault on judicial independence. In just the last few days, he has publicly attacked the prosecutors and judge in the case against his friend Roger Stone, tweeted his own control over the judicial system, and pardoned a few mostly white white collar criminals. Attorney General Barr has also reportedly intervened to end several investigations related to the President, including one focused on the President’s personal lawyer Rudy Giuliani.
Empathy is not the President’s strong point. He is not doing this because he thinks the people involved are innocent or even unjustly accused and convicted, though that is what he asserts. This is an attack on the justice system intended to normalize impunity, especially for the kinds of crimes his own coterie and he himself commit. Anyone who still thinks he won’t pardon Roger Stone and former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn is closing their eyes to the obvious: Trump is preparing the ground for those pardons and likely also one for himself, issued just before leaving office. He is also warning prosecutors that they should not bother with new cases against him or his friends.
His adversaries are another matter. Former Vice President Joe Biden is still in the crosshairs, despite his dramatic decline in the polls. Bernie Sanders is leading and will no doubt soon be the subject of Senate or Justice Department investigations, as will the fast rising former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg. Whoever rises to the top in the campaign for the Democratic nomination can expect the same treatment. Impunity for the President and his friends will be temporary if Trump loses in November.
Two thousand former Justice Department employees have signed on to a letter protesting what is going on and calling for the Attorney General’s resignation. There are rumors of rebellion among current employees in the Justice Department, and Federal judges are holding an emergency meeting to discuss the situation. But I doubt much will result. Trump is extremely sensitive to criticism, but his response to it is to attack his critics. Barr’s only achievement at the Justice Department is protecting the President, and his only complaint has been that the President’s tweets make that harder to do. Neither of these men can be expected to back down. Both will redouble their efforts.
There is not much that can be done about this. The pardon power is unlimited. The Justice Department’s supposed independence in criminal matters is more traditional than statutory. The courts are independent, but respect for their decisions and independence is not obligatory. A president can say pretty much what he wants about judges, prosecutors, indictees, and jury forepeople. Past presidents have generally avoided saying anything or getting themselves involved in individual cases. This one thinks he can get away with it.
The one avenue open to prosecutors that the president doesn’t control is the states. Their prosecutors and courts can pursue criminals without seeking or getting permission from the Federal government, except in cases where the Feds claim doing so could endanger their own investigations. That claim has been asserted in cases against some of Trump’s pals. I trust state prosecutors will not easily yield in the future, as it is clear enough that those assertions in this Administration are intended to protect criminality, not pursue it.
The world is watching this extraordinary attack on the rule of law. No American diplomat will be able to recite her talking points about corruption and abuse of power without a quiet giggle, and occasionally a big guffaw, from whoever she is trying to convince to pursue white collar criminals. The example America sets is vital to its diplomatic standing. President Trump’s normalization of impunity will be copied in many countries around the world. Putin, Duterte, Netanyahu, Orban and other would-be autocrats will be admiring the gall.
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Yesterday’s cold, today’s warmth
Kosovo’s Ambassador to the United States, Vlora Citaku, has published this personal reflection on her country’s 12th birthday on her Facebook page (republished here with her concurrence):
It was a cold February and I had a secret.
I distinctly remember that cold February day. All of us remember it. It was frigid, but the heat in the atmosphere could already be felt for a few days. I was even more tense than the air itself, because I had a secret that I could not share with anyone. Not even my closest family members.
I was leading part of the processes that were related to the Declaration of Independence but no one was to know about these processes. The press conference for international media had to be prepared, but no one was to know what the conference was being called for. The security preparations had to be made, but not even the police were to know what they would be protecting, and when they would be protecting it.
I had a big secret in my heart, and sometimes I would chuckle to myself because of the news that warmed my heart. The “Newborn” monument was being prepared, but no one was to know when we would give birth to the newborn.
We had reason to be joyful, and even more reason to be prepared for the worst. Serbia was ruled by a nationalist with a nefarious agenda. There were warnings of possible violence and electricity shutdowns. The verbal aggression had reached its peak.
Nonetheless, it was clear that we would not prolong the process since every other avenue, from the negotiations in Vienna to the visits of the troika (Ishinger, Wisner, and Borcan Haracenko) had been exhausted. The enemies of independence had nowhere left to run. There will be independence – said the wise [former Finnish] President Ahtisaari – but it will be supervised until it is proven that minorities and the whole society will be better off and have more power because of the creation of the state, not less.
As an MP, I knew that I would be one of the elected representatives of the people (not the provisional self-governance institutions) who would declare independence. We would complete the statehood of our nation. The Declaration of Independence had to be written in secret, with calligraphy that was noticeably rushed at the end, because the entire population of Kosovo was in a rush. We could not withstand another minute of
delay for that which was pursued for an entire century.
Since the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, since the time of Isa Boletini, since the time of my ancestor Shote Galica, since the time of Shaban Polluza, since the time of the partizans who fought Nazism but were betrayed by the Communist Party. Since the time of the establishment of the University of Prishtina, since the time of dissidents, incarcerations, and false hopes. Since my time as a member of the “generation of the
republic” who were left without schools, poisoned, and ignored by Europe.
We could not withstand another minuted, since the time of our armed resistance, the time of the soldiers whom I followed step by step as a translator for the largest international media, the time when we faced genocide against civilians perpetrated by the century-old occupier.
It was cold on that February day, colder than ever. But I had a secret in my heart that warmed my soul.
To be completely frank, I cried just as much as I laughed on that day. Precisely because of the life that we lived, the sacrifice of my mother and father, the sacrifice of my friends. The sacrifice of the elders and that of the most vulnerable.
These are the feelings that I remember today, 12 years later. Though climate change has not doubt made February warmer and snowless, my feelings resurface just the same when I remember how we became a country and how steep a price we paid for our right to exist as such. A century of pain.
However, as the saying goes – no pain, no gain.
And gain we did, much more than many other oppressed peoples. We won our Declaration of Independence, and the declaration was recognized by the world’s biggest democracies.
It was recognized with a new map in an elementary school by Sarkozy of France, the France of the revolution that brought about human rights as a fundamental concept. It was recognized by the Italy of humanist renaissance that placed the human at the center of the universe. It was recognized by Germany, the global example of rebirth after the catastrophe of the Second World War. It was recognized by the United Kingdom. And it
was recognized by the United States of America, to whom we will always be indebted.
A few years ago, an American diplomat confessed to me that it was not only Hashim Thaci who had to be convinced to delay the declaration of independence by a few months, from the end of 2007 to 2008. His resistance was great, but it was matched by that of President Bush who told his diplomats “I have promised independence to a people, and independence I will deliver”.
Twelve years later I reckon, many things could have been done better. The expectations of people that we would instantly become Switzerland, and everything would improve, that we would have jobs and wealth, were broken by the burdens of transition.
However, the same burdens broke many peoples across all of Eastern Europe after the fall of communism. Unfortunately, not rarely, and even criminally, not everyone had the same opportunities for growth in our new country. The solidarity, love, and boundless happiness we had for each other did not last forever.
Nevertheless, love must not be replaced by hatred. Independence is final, and will never be called into question. I am saddened to hear when some still doubt this. When some deny it. When they disrespect our flag. But today, I will not write for them.
It was cold on February 17th, 2008. But it was also the warmest day in a century.
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